Robert Saunders Profile picture
Jun 19, 2021 10 tweets 5 min read Read on X
The Lord Chancellor, Robert Buckland, warned this week that "the rule of law" must not "be misused to weaponise the courts against political decision-making". This is an excellent response by @GeorgePeretzQC (read the replies by @DinahRoseQC, too). Some thoughts of my own follow.
Buckland frames the govt's reform agenda as part of a programme to “restore trust” in the constitution. That’s a noble goal, but in practice it means that one party is rewriting the rules of Britain’s democracy against the opposition of every other. That cannot be safe or healthy
As usual, criticism of the courts is framed as a defence of Parliament. It's an admirable sentiment, but if the executive is "the servant of Parlt", why was it shut down in 2019? Why is it not allowed to vote on cuts to the aid budget? Why was it sidelined in the Covid crisis?
Buckland comes close to arguing that the only constraint needed on executive power is the limit of its own ambitions. But power is an appetite that grows with the feeding. There is a reason why every sensible constitution places checks on the Executive from without.
Buckland is right that the rule of law should stand "above party politics". So where is the attempt to build cross-party consensus? You cannot protect the constitution from "party politics" by letting one party rewire the political system, against the will of all other parties.
This is a striking phrase: "parliament makes laws that give power to the executive". That's certainly how a lot of recent lawmaking works, with "Henry VIII" clauses giving ministers sweeping powers to do anything they want. But it's neither the "conventional" model nor a good one
Buckland says the UK system is "based on checks & balances". That's not been true since 1911: a single party can control the Executive, sideline the Commons & override the Lords. If he doesn't want the courts to act as a check, which other balances does he propose to strengthen?
As @GeorgePeretzQC notes, the model Buckland praises came under fire for good reason. The Right was once as alarmed as the Left about "elective dictatorship", especially when exercised by a Benn or a Foot. And that model was itself a departure from an older, more balanced system.
If Buckland truly wants to "open up a debate", that is very welcome: there has been too little joined-up thinking about the principles behind constitutional reform. But that debate cannot lock out other parties, or ignore reviews that don't give ministers the answers they want.
The full speech by Robert Buckland is available, and is worth reading in full: gov.uk/government/spe…

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More from @redhistorian

Aug 19, 2023
The most powerful idea in British politics is "the economy".

Parties promise to "grow", "unleash" or "manage" the economy.

It tops lists of voter concerns.

But what if we had no concept of "the economy"?

Until the C20th, we didn't. And its rise has had major consequences...🧵 Image
1. If you had told Mr Gladstone that "the economy has grown this year", he would not have understood what you meant.

Gladstone was the most financially literate statesman of the C19th.

But the idea of something called "the economy", which could "grow" or "shrink", did not exist Image
2. Even in the C20th, as economic questions roared up the agenda, talk of "THE economy" entered political usage quite slowly.

It first appeared in a major manifesto in 1950 & didn't get its own section until 1955.

That's also when terms like "economic growth" appeared in Parlt. Image
Read 16 tweets
Jun 13, 2023
There's a hugely important vote in the Lords today, where @GreenJennyJones will attempt to kill a Statutory Instrument changing the law of protest.

The Lords almost never block SIs, so this raises big constitutional qs.

Here's why Labour *should* back the "fatal motion" 🧵...
1. SIs are a form of "secondary legislation": law made directly by ministers, rather than by passing a bill through Parliament.

They are meant to fill in the details of "primary", or parliamentary, legislation.

But this one is being used to *overturn* a decision by Parliament.
2. When the government proposed these changes in the 2023 Public Order Bill, the House of Lords voted them down.

Ministers are now trying to overturn that defeat by issuing a Statutory Instrument.

That's a very new use of these powers, with serious implications for Parliament. Image
Read 10 tweets
Jun 12, 2023
I agree with Anthony Seldon about the damage Boris Johnson has done and his unfitness for public office.

But there's a question he doesn't address here, which needs more attention.

It troubled me about his book, too. So let me try to explain... 🧵
thetimes.co.uk/article/boris-…
1. If Johnson was so manifestly unsuited to office - if his "deep character flaws" were formed so early - how did he rise to power?

What does that say about our democracy, or the qualities we reward in potential leaders?

And what was the role of the commentariat? Image
2. Unlike many of Johnson's chroniclers, Seldon was not always a critic.

In many respects, that strengthens his case. He didn't set out to write a hatchet job. He followed where the evidence led.

But his earlier writing tells us something important about Johnson's rise to power
Read 16 tweets
Jun 9, 2023
This isn't a resignation statement; it's a temper tantrum.

And its central claim is untrue.

Johnson says he was "forced out anti-democratically" by a "kangaroo court".

So let's remind ourselves of the process from which he has chosen to run away... 🧵
bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politi…
1. Johnson was accused of a serious parliamentary offence: misleading the House.

That triggered a 3-step process.

Step one: an investigation by the Privileges Committee, which has a majority of Tory MPs.

Its chair recused himself, & the taxpayer funded Johnson's legal advice.
2. The committee has no power to remove an MP from the House.

It can only recommend a penalty to Parliament: in this case, that Johnson be suspended for more than 10 days.

That brings us to step two: a vote in the House of Commons, which has a Tory majority of nearly 80 seats.
Read 9 tweets
Jun 7, 2023
I'm a great fan of @lewis_goodall, who argues here for televising the courts.

But respectfully, I don't think the arguments for televising Parliament and televising court cases are analogous.

A few thoughts... 🧵
@lewis_goodall 1. The case for televising Parliament is that voters should know what their elected representatives are saying and doing in their name, so that we can hold them to account at the ballot box.

All those involved are public officials, who are directly responsible to those outside.
2. By contrast, court cases involve private citizens - most of whom have been accused of no crime, but who may be recounting situations of extreme distress, trauma or personal embarrassment.

Those involved are accountable for their conduct, not to public opinion, but to the law.
Read 6 tweets
Mar 5, 2023
"The next war...will leave civilization a smoking ruin and a putrefying charnel house" (Ramsay MacDonald, 19292).

A great find, illustrating a point that's often overlooked in the memory of "appeasement": that "the next war" was widely expected to end European civilization. 1/5
2. For a Conservative example, here's Stanley Baldwin addressing the House of Commons in November 1932:

"When the next war comes, and European civilisation is wiped out, as it will be..."
hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1932/n…
3. Then there are films like "Things to Come" (Alexander Korda/H.G. Wells, 1936), with its post-apocalyptic landscapes.

Or magazine covers of poisoned cities, with abandoned cars and children dead on the streets.
Read 5 tweets

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