The plaintiffs had brought various tort claims against Facebook alleging that it facilitated sex trafficking.
2/ In addition to the negligence/products liability claims, Plaintiffs also brought claims under Texas's trafficking laws, opting not to proceed under federal sex trafficking law, which is not immunized under Section 230.
3/ SCOTX spent some pages bloviating about whether Justice Thomas's interpretation of Section 230 is right, ultimately concluding that they weren't going to follow it and instead agreed that the negligence/products liability claims should be dismissed pursuant to 230. All right.
4/ But then, the twist: the court held that the state sex trafficking claims were *not* preempted by Section 230.
To do so, the court had to read the exceptions to 230 immunity created by FOSTA-SESTA to exempt state civil sex trafficking claims from protection.
5/ Here's the problem: that's not what the law does. The law specifically states that civil claims under the *federal* sex trafficking statute are not immunized under 230.
6/ On its way to ignoring the literal words of the statute, SCOTX decided that Congress didn't really mean what it said, it was just providing a statutory *construction* under which Section 230 should be read.
7/ But that's total nonsense. Congress wasn't just pronouncing an overarching theory of what isn't immunized by Section 230. It literally *named the exact statute* that plaintiffs could avail themselves of. That is NOT a rule of construction! That's a very specific carveout.
8/ And *of course* claims under 1595 would treat defendants as speakers or publishers! That's the entire REASON for (e)(5)(A) in the first place. You wouldn't need the carveout if it wouldn't have fallen under 230 anyway. This is a baffling lack of comprehension of how 230 works.
9/ Justice Blacklock appeals to the "sense of Congress" that 230 isn't meant to immunize sex traffickers. But the text of (e)(5)(A) couldn't possibly be any *less* indeterminate! It literally names the statute under which claims aren't immunized!
10/ I don't think state laws slipped Congress's mind. (e)(5)(B) and (C) both go on to talk about *state law* (for criminal prosecutions)! It is clear that if Congress had intended to exempt state civil claims, it would have. SCOTX is creating ambiguity where there is NONE.
11/ And no ambiguity is created just because a plaintiff's lawyer advanced an argument in court. Lots of wrong understandings are advanced in court, and that's a poor excuse for ignoring the very clear text of a law.
12/ Without a hint of irony, Blacklock concludes that it's for Congress, not courts, to modernize statutes.
But his warped, tortured statutory construction (such as it is) did just that. Congress made a decision to only exclude federal law. It's not up to SCOTX to change that.
I still can't get over "the law is ambiguous because plaintiffs argue that the law doesn't mean what it very clearly says."
Some real barrel-scraping going on here.
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If only someone had counseled people to take a deep breath and not panic over speculative fears that have not been borne out in a single election cycle.
Senate Judiciary is having a hearing today on "Big Tech and the Online Child Sexual Exploitation Crisis," in which senators will yell at a bunch of social media platform CEOs and likely say some very wrong things. Follow along in this thread, if you dare.
2/ Durbin kicks off by showing a video from victims of online CSE and their parents. Undeniably horrible stories, and if the hearing really focuses exclusively on platform efforts to combat CSE/CSAM, I'll be on board--platforms SHOULD be doing more.
But that's unlikely.
3/ And not for nothing, Durbin's STOP CSAM Act swings the pendulum too far, threatening end-to-end encryption and incentivizing takedowns of lawful content and campaigns of false reporting. EFF has a good explainer: eff.org/deeplinks/2023…
1/ I must respectfully take issue with this piece, for a few reasons.
First, as a normative matter, to mee it comes too close to equating the harms of CSAM with the effects of minors looking at porn. Whatever you think about the latter, the former is *inestimably* worse.
2/ Second, the "secondary effects doctrine" is a heaping MESS that gives government an end-run around the First Amendment, even for non-porn speech. Expanding it to the online world rather than physical locations would be terrible.
SED should be retired, not broadened.
3/ Third, there is no distinction between the age verification mandates being proposed now, and the ones struck down in the Great COPA Wars, practically or constitutionally.
The curtailment was in fact being forced to verify your identity before accessing disfavored content.
1/ So @MiamiSeaquarium, which tortures Orcas by keeping them in confined spaces, have filed suit because Phil published drone pictures and criticized them.
It's evident that they didn't like being criticized, and are trying to shut him up.
In case you're unfamiliar with the litigation, let me refresh your memory & explain why it's important.
2/ In April 2021, a video started circulating on social media showing a man accosting a teen taking pre-prom pictures with his boyfriend at a hotel restaurant, because the teen was wearing a dress.
Super normal stuff.
When Kathy saw the video, she tweeted about it a few times.
3/ In her first tweet, she identified the man as Sam Johnson, and noted that he worked at VisuWell, a telehealth software company from what I gather.
A couple tweets later, VisuWell announced Johnson's firing. Griffin asked if he was going to remain on the board. They said no.