In 1836, British artist Frederick Catherwood met American travel-writer John Lloyd Stephens in London. They had read about some mysterious ruins discovered recently in Central America, so, in 1839, they set off on an expedition. [1/6]
This is perhaps the only picture we have of Catherwood (left, Stevens right). He died in 1854 when the steamer he was on collided with a French ship in the north Atlantic. He didn’t even appear on the casualty list (until friends and family kicked up a fuss). [2/6]
Catherwood had been sketching Mediterranean architecture for years, and, upon reaching central America, he declared that the structures they saw bore no similarity (and were therefore made by native Americans!). He drew these at Copán, Honduras. [3/6]
Catherwood & Stephens had to battle malaria and hack their way through heavy undergrowth. Or at least, their porters did: one of the most interesting things about Catherwood’s drawings is the people he included. This is Uxmal, Mexico. [4/6]
One of my favourites, drawn at Labna, Mexico. I tried to photograph the arch from the same spot in 1997… and almost got it right. [5/6]
Stephens & Catherwood had no idea who the Ancient Maya were, or where they had gone; it would be well over a century before the Mayan code was cracked. Their work, however, had got the world’s attention. You can see more here: [6/6] casa-catherwood.com/catherwoodinen…
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Some excerpts from arguably the most influential book ever written in English about China. 🧵
Arthur Henderson Smith, a veteran of the US Civil War, moved to China as a missionary in 1872. After studying Chinese in Tianjin, he lived in Shandong, and in 1900 he survived the siege of the foreign legations in Beijing. By then, his first book was already hugely popular.
In 1925 a Shanghai missionary journal, the ‘Chinese Recorder’, asked 100 long-term foreign residents what they considered the most ‘helpful’ & ‘accurate’ books about China; Chinese Characteristics (by then in its 13th edition) came top.
Some highlights from Lee Jussim’s ‘Social Perception and Social Reality.’ A review of the social psychology literature on stereotypes and bias, which reveals how surprisingly GOOD we are at dealing with reality. 1/
The book was published in 2012, and things may (or may not) have changed. Lee, however, uses scores (100s?) of studies to show how generations of well-meaning psychologists distorted our understanding of the way we interact with the world – so it remains relevant. 2/
He argues that psychologists’ concerns about inequality have produced a ‘bias for bias’: their research has stressed how our ‘misbegotten beliefs and flawed processes construct not only illusions of social reality in the perceiver’s own mind but also actual social reality’. 3/
The decline of honour (aka ‘face’) in the West can be linked to the loss of SHAME and the rise of GUILT. To illustrate this, it’s worth looking at how the English behaved (or wanted to) in the 15th century - in Thomas Malory’s Chronicles of King Arthur. 1/7
Keep in mind, as Joseph Henrich puts it in The Weirdest People in the World (2020, pp. 22 & 34), ‘in most non-WEIRD societies, shame – not guilt – dominates people’s lives.’ The ‘public nature of [one’s] failure is crucial: if there’s no public knowledge, there’s no shame…’ 2/7
In the Chronicles, Arthur’s best knight – Launcelot – was sleeping with his Queen, Guinevere. The affair was widely known, but ‘did not matter or even exist’: for to mention it would mean deadly combat, which Launcelot would certainly win (J. Bowman, Honor: A History, 2006). 3/7
Travelling party (1908). Possibly working for British plant collector E.H. Wilson, near Kangding in Sichuan (Arnold Arboretum Horticultural Library, Harvard University): digitalcollections.library.harvard.edu/catalog/W28799…
Axial morality emerges when societies have passed a certain threshold in scale & structure, when ‘they must adopt more prosocial and egalitarian moral principles if they are to survive’. @SeshatDatabank on the rise, fall & rise of morality. 1/11
Moral intuitions are evolved adaptations to collective action problems. In small-scale societies, ‘innate moral predispositions might be sufficient to sustain many forms of cooperation, [but] they became less effective in larger-scale and more complex societies’. 2/11
As societies grew, our innate moral sensibilities were overridden. Beyond a certain threshold, however, despotism became unsustainable; at this point ‘axiality’ emerged, ‘empowering equitable moral norms similar to those prevalent in earlier, smaller-scale societies’. 3/11