This is a report by Aajeevika Bureau (an organisation working with migrant workers in Gujarat and Rajasthan) in April 2020. It explores the experiences faced by ‘circular migrants’ employed in the informal labour markets of Ahmedabad and Surat. 🧵
2| Circular migrants move between ‘urban work destinations’ and their villages in rural areas, without settling in the cities where they are employed. Such migration includes movements that are short or long term; over short or long distances.
3| The ‘Gujarat Model of Development’, states the report, has been lauded as a success story for neoliberal reforms and an example for the rest of India. The state has large capital investments in power supply, ports, jetties, roads, industrial estates, and has over 50 SEZs, but
... Gujarat fares much lower on indicators of social and economic inclusion as compared to other states. The report notes that “The Gujarat Model of Development provides a prime example of urban growth accompanied by deepening socio-economic inequalities.”
A survey covering 285 migrants in Ahmedabad reveals 70% didn't treat their drinking water or used a simple cloth filter to remove large stones/sand, making them susceptible to water-borne diseases. They were employed in construction, manufacturing, hotels, dhabas or domestic work
6| It was also found that women migrant workers were largely responsible for the daily collection and storage of water for their families.
7| Powerloom and textile production industries are the largest recruiters of migrant labour in Surat. The city is home to migrant workers from Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan & Telangana. Migrant workers engaged in the powerloom industry in Surat –
8| ..predominantly single males – live in extremely unhealthy conditions, mostly in crowded and shared ‘mess rooms’ in the industrial areas of Surat. The rooms are around 500 to 800 square feet, where over 100 workers “…live amid power cuts, filth and noise.”
9|According to the survey on circular migrants in Ahmedabad, construction workers living onsite – largely SC and ST families – spend an average of 46% of their income on food. Adivasi families living in factories spend an even lower average of 29% of their income on food and fuel
10| A potential reason for this is that both male and female Adivasi workers chew tobacco, which is known to repress hunger, during the day to sustain themselves for continuous 12 to 16-hour shifts.
11| In Surat, 92% of the 150 circular migrants surveyed reported using privately run facilities for healthcare – private hospitals, private clinics, ‘Bengali doctors’ (local practitioners) or directly approaching chemists’ shops, hardly accessing urban health centres (UHCs)
12| In most urban development programmes, the report observes, individuals have to prove their domicile status in the city to be eligible for urban public services and entitlements.
13| The survey on circular migrants in Surat found that 23% of them had voter IDs, 31% had Aadhaar cards, and 21% had bank documents in the city. None of the 150 migrants surveyed had a ration card in Surat.
‘Who knew the lack of rain could kill my art?’ (a thread)
Three decades ago, no one wanted to teach a young Sanjay Kamble how to work with bamboo.
Today, when he wants to teach everyone his dying craft, no one wants to learn.
“It’s ironic how times have changed,” the 50-year-old says.
With the bamboo that grows in his one-acre field, Kamble mainly crafts irlas – a kind of raincoat used by paddy farmers in this region in western Maharashtra.
“My lungs feel like stone. I can barely walk,” says Manik Sardar.
In November, 2022, the 55-year-old was diagnosed with silicosis – an incurable pulmonary disease. “I have no interest in the upcoming elections,” he continues,
“I am only worried about my family’s condition.”
Naba Kumar Mandal is also a patient of silicosis. He adds, “elections are about false promises. For us, voting is a routine task. No matter who comes to power, things will not change for us.”
“I reach here by 8:45 a.m. and we start work by nine. By the time I am home, it is 7-7:30 in the evening,” says Madan Pal. ‘Here,’ is the tiny carrom board factory in Suraj Kund Sports Colony in Meerut city, Uttar Pradesh.
Karan, 32, who has been working here for 10 years, inspects each stick of wood and segregates those that are damaged and will be returned.
“It is not difficult to make a board, but it is not easy to make the coins glide on the playing surface.”
Lenindhasan, or Lenin– as he is called – and his friends, are trying to replace modern rice varieties and resist mono-cropping. Their plan is to restore lost diversity. And to germinate a rice revolution.
It's a different kind of revolution, led by another kind of Lenin.
Lenin cultivates 30 varieties of rice. He sells another 15 raised by fellow farmers. And he conserves 80 types of paddy seeds. All this, in his family’s six-acre farm in Tamil Nadu’s Tiruvanamalai district.
It seems as if he’s been farming and selling paddy for decades. But it’s only been six years.
Before he became a farmer, Lenin was a corporate employee in Chennai, with two degrees and a good salary.
Life has only become harder in the last 10 years (A thread)
India's poorest homes continue to rely on minor forest produce like mahua and tendu leaves, along with the assured Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee (MGNREGA) programme.
As they prepare for voting today in the General Elections 2024, Adivasi villagers here in Arattondi village say their lives have only become harder in the last 10 years...