To date, Karamoja has remained marginalized in national history writing. But in the late 1960s, Karamojong activists shaped the course of national debates about state security and the importance of constitutional rule. 1/9
In 1969, the Clerical Assistant for the Judicial Department of Pian, Karamoja, K.A.L. Itwa, forwarded Benedicto Kiwanuka a four-page report, which he entitled, ‘Disturbances in Karamoja’. Itwa informed Kiwanuka that he had organised a committee of DP activists in 2/9
1966 to launch a three-year independent investigation into the corruption of UPC government workers and chiefs. Itwa’s report painted a dire picture of political life in eastern Uganda. The report concluded that the UPC supported police bribery and 3/9
corruption, the creation of ‘lost and found’ animals, which entailed the government confiscation of cattle, and sexual violence committed against women by the Army and Special Forces. The report focused especially on the ‘sons of Lorika’, who had ostensibly orchestrated 4/9
a cattle raid under police protection. After stealing no fewer than 800 heads of cattle, the report noted, Lorika’s sons ‘built their houses which are quite huge enough, on the Northern direction of Nabilatuk’. The report ended by asserting that ‘the people in South Karamoja 5/9
are not happy with the ruling of the UPC Government in power now. They are not at all satisfied. There is no stability in this part of the Country i.e. Karamoja, people say.’ Just as Itwa was finalising his report, three of the DP’s foremost activists, 6/9
Sebastian D. Orach (DP District Leader, Bukedi), V. Okoboi (DP Party Organisers, Teso), and Paul Ssemogerere (DP Publicity Secretary), issued a public statement on ‘illegal arrests and tortures’ in eastern Uganda. 7/9
The statement charged the UPC with actively profiling and illegally arresting DP activists, ‘simply because they have been seen wearing party colours or because they have been recruiting new members into the party’. The writers argued that such assertions 8/9
were ‘a denial of our fundamental rights and it is an outrageous violation of the Constitution’. 9/9
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On this #InternationalWomensDay , a short reflection on women's activism and the return of Ssekabaka Muteesa II from exile in 1955. In this letter, Pumla Kisosonkole (President of Uganda African Women's League), Rebecca Mulira, & C.N. Kasule fight for the end of colonialism, the respect of the Nabagereka, the return of the Kabaka & political opportunities for women. It was one of dozens of letters penned by UAWL. 1/9
Following Muteesa's deportation, women exhibited distress throughout Buganda as they lamented the metaphorical loss of a husband. As early as January 1954, Rebecca Mulira initiated various campaigns throughout Buganda to guarantee the end of the Kabaka's exile. 2/9
With 4 women, she warned Bishop Leslie Brown that Muteesa’s deportation ‘might result in bloodshed, as God’s just reprisal against the British Nation for destroying our God-given nation of Uganda’. Drawing from her theology & the history of Israel’s monarchy, Rebecca Mulira argued that Muteesa had been forcibly ‘divorced [. . .] from his people’. 3/9
As we remember the commemoration of the murder of UG’s first prime minister, Benedicto Kiwanuka, it is important to remember what exactly happened & how it all went down: “Matiya bantutte, naye abaana ba Maria tebafa.” (from Contesting Catholics, by @jamesjaycarney & me). 🧵
At various points throughout the 1960s, Benedicto Kiwanuka revealed a vivid sense of his own vulnerability. The death threats and anti-DP violence that marked the 1961 and 1962 elections left their wounds,
building on a personality keenly attuned of any perceived slight. Kicked out of his government housing in late '62, he built a new home on Masaka Road marked by seven-foot-high walls and barbed wire. Asked to explain these security features, Kiwanuka bluntly responded,
Kabaka Muteesa's return from exile in 1955—seen here—set the constitutional terms that outlined Uganda's timeline toward independence. But how did Baganda diplomats work abroad to return the king? cutt.ly/a4ar3cd 1/13
As I have written, "The deportation was the central event around which anti-colonial struggle in Buganda was largely organised. It fundamentally altered the emotional & political topography of the region. The Lukiiko convened an emergency session immediately after 2/13
Muteesa was deported. Outside of the building, the meeting attracted approximately 10,000 spectators, seen here: 3/13
Each of Uganda's political parties supported a Federal constitution in 1962, including UPC. I find this photograph from the Lancaster negotiations insightful. The postures and non-verbals of Uganda's monarchs say much. 1/4
L to R: Omukama Rukidi III of Tooro, Omukama Winyi IV of Bunyoro, Governor of Uganda (F. Crawfoerd), Colonial Secretary (I. Macleod), Kabaka Muteesa II of Buganda, Omugabe Gasiyonga II of Ankole, and Kyabazinga H. Muloki of Busoga. 2/4
The result of their diplomacy was enshrined in the constitution, where the kingdoms' federal status was articulated in the opening pages. 3/4
Omugabe E. Suleiman Kahaya II, who ruled Ankole throughout the first half of the 20th C., was an able archer. Here we see him demonstrating his skills. In the 2nd image, he had just concluded political negotiations w/ Henry H. Bell. Below is the Ankole Agreement of 1962, 1/9
which outlined the Kingdom's postcolonial constitution. 2/9
On Tesoland's wealth. Communities in colonial Tesoland rightly saw their economic, cultural, and political contributions as central to the development of modern Uganda. Cuthbert Obwangor remains one of many Teso biographies grossly understudied. 1/4
The region maintained a high standard of living throughout the colonial period. By 1953, Teso District was the largest cigarette-consuming area in eastern Africa, a reflection of its wealth, among other things. 2/4
And as Teso organisers have often noted, it was not without historical reason that a Teso activist, John Kanuti Akorimo, lowered the Union Jack and hoisted the national flag on 9 October 1962. 3/4