On Jopadhola activism. Throughout the late 1950s, organisers articulated their frustrations about the state's economic demands & religious influences in Bunyole, Kisoko, & Tororo. On the one hand, communities were frustrated that the government & some writers in Buganda 1/7
insisted on accruing revenues from the region's cement production. On 20 February 1956, for instance, writers in Dobozi suggested that 'the Buganda Government should share in the revenue derived from Tororo cement [...] 2/7
b/c "it was through the generosity of the Baganda that the British ever went to those parts—in fact they were assigned to them by the Baganda."' On the other hand, writers in Padhola published an editorial in Uganda Empya on 7 June 1956, wondering 'whether the Protectorate 3/7
Government has taken any measures to stop that action [to separate religion from politics] as it is likely to hinder the development of Uganda.' Frustrations in eastern Uganda culminated in a series of protests and editorials in Uganda Argus in late 1962. 4/7
The Adhola Association organised in Aug. '62 to advocate for political-linguistic rights & representation. By 5 Oct., they issued an editorial, labelled "Jopadhola 'neglected'". The AA was especially concerned to see the government refusing to use Dhopadhola. 5/7
Adoko A. Nekyon (UPC, Lango SE) was Uganda's Minister of Information, Broadcasting and Tourism at the time. He responded by arguing that AA was simply upset that bulletins were also being issued in Lunyole, Lusaamia, and Lugwere. 6/7
Throughout the 1960s, the Adhola Association advocated for language and economic empowerment for communities throughout eastern Uganda. As the UPC moved increasingly to centralize resources throughout the late 1960s, their cause was met with increasing frustration. 7/7
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On this #InternationalWomensDay , a short reflection on women's activism and the return of Ssekabaka Muteesa II from exile in 1955. In this letter, Pumla Kisosonkole (President of Uganda African Women's League), Rebecca Mulira, & C.N. Kasule fight for the end of colonialism, the respect of the Nabagereka, the return of the Kabaka & political opportunities for women. It was one of dozens of letters penned by UAWL. 1/9
Following Muteesa's deportation, women exhibited distress throughout Buganda as they lamented the metaphorical loss of a husband. As early as January 1954, Rebecca Mulira initiated various campaigns throughout Buganda to guarantee the end of the Kabaka's exile. 2/9
With 4 women, she warned Bishop Leslie Brown that Muteesa’s deportation ‘might result in bloodshed, as God’s just reprisal against the British Nation for destroying our God-given nation of Uganda’. Drawing from her theology & the history of Israel’s monarchy, Rebecca Mulira argued that Muteesa had been forcibly ‘divorced [. . .] from his people’. 3/9
As we remember the commemoration of the murder of UG’s first prime minister, Benedicto Kiwanuka, it is important to remember what exactly happened & how it all went down: “Matiya bantutte, naye abaana ba Maria tebafa.” (from Contesting Catholics, by @jamesjaycarney & me). 🧵
At various points throughout the 1960s, Benedicto Kiwanuka revealed a vivid sense of his own vulnerability. The death threats and anti-DP violence that marked the 1961 and 1962 elections left their wounds,
building on a personality keenly attuned of any perceived slight. Kicked out of his government housing in late '62, he built a new home on Masaka Road marked by seven-foot-high walls and barbed wire. Asked to explain these security features, Kiwanuka bluntly responded,
Kabaka Muteesa's return from exile in 1955—seen here—set the constitutional terms that outlined Uganda's timeline toward independence. But how did Baganda diplomats work abroad to return the king? cutt.ly/a4ar3cd 1/13
As I have written, "The deportation was the central event around which anti-colonial struggle in Buganda was largely organised. It fundamentally altered the emotional & political topography of the region. The Lukiiko convened an emergency session immediately after 2/13
Muteesa was deported. Outside of the building, the meeting attracted approximately 10,000 spectators, seen here: 3/13
Each of Uganda's political parties supported a Federal constitution in 1962, including UPC. I find this photograph from the Lancaster negotiations insightful. The postures and non-verbals of Uganda's monarchs say much. 1/4
L to R: Omukama Rukidi III of Tooro, Omukama Winyi IV of Bunyoro, Governor of Uganda (F. Crawfoerd), Colonial Secretary (I. Macleod), Kabaka Muteesa II of Buganda, Omugabe Gasiyonga II of Ankole, and Kyabazinga H. Muloki of Busoga. 2/4
The result of their diplomacy was enshrined in the constitution, where the kingdoms' federal status was articulated in the opening pages. 3/4
Omugabe E. Suleiman Kahaya II, who ruled Ankole throughout the first half of the 20th C., was an able archer. Here we see him demonstrating his skills. In the 2nd image, he had just concluded political negotiations w/ Henry H. Bell. Below is the Ankole Agreement of 1962, 1/9
which outlined the Kingdom's postcolonial constitution. 2/9
On Tesoland's wealth. Communities in colonial Tesoland rightly saw their economic, cultural, and political contributions as central to the development of modern Uganda. Cuthbert Obwangor remains one of many Teso biographies grossly understudied. 1/4
The region maintained a high standard of living throughout the colonial period. By 1953, Teso District was the largest cigarette-consuming area in eastern Africa, a reflection of its wealth, among other things. 2/4
And as Teso organisers have often noted, it was not without historical reason that a Teso activist, John Kanuti Akorimo, lowered the Union Jack and hoisted the national flag on 9 October 1962. 3/4