The new clause allowing this was quietly added to the Bill in committee in the Commons, in October.
It is the most fundamental requirement of fairness that citizens are given notice of decisions that will affect them.
It’s hard to think of anything more drastic than losing your citizenship, which has been widely recognised as ‘the right to have rights’.
A former chief justice of the US Supreme Court described deprivation as ‘the total destruction of the individual's status in organized society … a form of punishment more primitive than torture’.
Yet the Bill says notice will not be needed to strip someone of their citizenship if it would not be ‘reasonably practicable’ to give it, or in the interests of ‘national security’ or diplomatic relations, or for other ‘public interest’ reasons.
It also seeks to validate deprivation orders made before the section comes into force, which would be invalid because no notice has been given to the persons affected. publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill…
The message it sends is that certain citizens, despite being born and brought up in the UK and having no other home, remain migrants, so that their citizenship, and therefore all their rights, are precarious and contingent.
The clause builds on previous measures which allow British-born dual nationals (who are mostly from ethnic minorities) to be stripped of citizenship, if it is ‘conducive to the public good’ – and to lose citizenship while they are abroad, meaning they can’t return.
Dozens of British citizens have lost their citizenship in this way in the past decade – over 100 in 2017 alone. At least two have been killed by US drones following the loss of citizenship, and one was kidnapped and taken to the US for trial.
The clause flouts international obligations and basic norms of fairness.
It is of a piece with other proposals, which will deny refugees refuge here, criminalise rescuers and give Border Force officials civil & criminal immunity for migrants’ deaths during ‘pushback’ operations.
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Working to rescue refugees in the Aegean and as first responders onshore, they are accused for listening to coastguard radio and exchanging WhatsApp messages.
Arrested and held for 4 months in 2018 before getting bail, they are also accused of being in a criminal organisation & facilitating illegal entry, charges still being investigated.
Following the conviction of Wayne Couzens for the murder of Sarah Everard, the Met acknowledges that it needs to look at its ‘own culture’. But the culture of any institution is determined by its leadership. theguardian.com/uk-news/2021/s…
When it comes to leadership on sexism, 9 out of 12 police officers across England and Wales who abused their positions or failed to properly investigate sex crimes between 2017-2020 remained in post. bylinetimes.com/2021/09/21/thr…
We recall that after the tragic murders of black sisters Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman in 2020, two officers from the Met shared photos of the murder scene on WhatsApp and with the public. standard.co.uk/news/crime/met…
After a former employee of the @EHRC accused the body of ‘colluding in the denial of institutional racism’, this THREAD recalls a series of warnings that the government appears set on disappearing the matter of structural racism.
Following the #SewellReport, IRR Director Liz Fekete warned that some of its reccomendations were designed to create a new set of norms about how race and racism are conceptualised and which could make research into structural racism 'virtually impossible' irr.org.uk/article/sewell…
In @BylineTimes, Fekete & @LiamShrivastava highlighted how the government's Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Bill would limit academic freedom and protect bigotry and hate speech in the name of ‘freedom of speech’ and ‘viewpoint diversity’. bylinetimes.com/2021/08/19/the…
What's the true significance of the EHRC’s recent report on the hostile environment?
IRR Vice-Chair, Frances Webber responds
The report is what's termed a Public Sector Equality Duty (PSED) Assessment of the Home Office’s compliance with the Equality Act 2010 – a less rigorous procedure than an inquiry or an investigation into ‘unlawful acts’ defined by the Act, such as discrimination or harassment.
There might have been legal reasons for the EHRC choosing this procedure to look at the legislation which required or enabled others to discriminate (the essence of the hostile environment), as legislation is excluded from the scope of ‘unlawful acts’.
A huge thank you to everyone who has taken part in today's twitter storm highlighting the issues raised in this report, giving those that died a context and an identity, and calling for #SafePassageNow
Special thanks to our report partners @Migrantpptlond1 who helped fund and initiate the report through contact with @legisti based in France, who wrote an earlier French-language version. Please follow both of them to keep in touch with their vital work.
Thanks to @legisti for coordinating the documentation of the many deaths due to border controls and for giving us the results of this report. Special thanks to Maël Galisson.
The importance of counting and accounting for deaths at the border was recognised by Leanne Weber and Sharon Pickering, who in their 2011 book 'Globalisation and
borders: death at the global frontier' insisted on the importance of first, finding out as much as possible... 1/3
about the lives of those who died seeking safety, security, family or a better life, to re-humanise the people behind the statistics; and second, showing that the deaths are not ‘natural’ or ‘tragic accidents’ but man-made... 2/3