I delved into the child care plan of the Build Back Better Act. It's one of the most ambitious parts of the bill, that could greatly help millions of families.
But its design could bring serious implementation challenges, both practical and political
The core of the plan is that the federal government would agree to pick up the bulk of childcare costs at licensed providers, offering generous subsidies to most families, who'd only have to pay a limited "copay"
But there's some fine print, including:
-Lots of discretion is left to state governments, including whether to participate at all.
-The full subsidies won't be available until 2025
-The whole plan expires after 2027
There's a big question hanging over implementation, too — how will the system handle the new demand pouring in from millions of subsidized families, when child care is already difficult and expensive to secure in much of the country?
One of the main goals of the bill is to increase the supply (and quality) of child care, and it sends a good deal of money to states to try and make that happen.
But everyone involved acknowledges you can't double the supply of childcare in an area overnight.
So the risk is that child care supply won't increase in time, exacerbating shortages (which would bedevil everyone) or sending up prices (which would fall on the middle and upper-middle class, who aren't eligible for subsidies immediately)
Democratic aides are aware this could be a problem. That's why they're not offering subsidies to everyone right away. They don't want to overwhelm the system with too much new demand immediately. They want to give supply time to build.
But limiting subsidies in the early years creates a new political problem, because middle and upper-middle class families would have to shoulder cost increases by their lonesome.
Those families have disproportionate power in the political system compared to those who'd be helped
The bill's supporters think critics are missing the forest for the trees. At its core the bill steers billions of federal dollars to the child care sector. They think that money will help solve many problems — helping relieve parents from high costs, and helping providers get by
Overall, the child care plank of Build Back Better is the part of the bill that most resembles the Affordable Care Act's insurance market reforms.
An attempt to overhaul a broken private market with federal cash, that could do a lot of good but also bring significant disruption
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A key reason Biden blundered on inflation is that there was an effective, well-funded, years-long effort to sideline mainstream economists — the people most inclined to warn about inflation— from Democratic policymaking.
So by 2021 no one on his team took the threat seriously
So far as we know, the only Biden official who internally expressed concerns that the American Rescue Plan might be too big was Joe Biden (whose reasoning was, “seems too big to pass”). But when Schumer told him it wasn’t too big to pass he went along.
Was there an internal debate in which some key appointees said “I don’t know, Mr. President, seems a lot bigger than the output gap merits, could be real inflationary risks”?
Here’s how I think about Project 2025’s policies - in 3 groups.
1.) Centralizing presidential authority over the executive branch
2.) Longtime conservative priorities
3.) A very aggressive religious right agenda, especially on abortion
The Heritage Foundation has been doing Project 2025-esque stuff for decades but there are some different dynamics this cycle due to Trump’s close ties with Heritage, and his own former appointees lying in wait to return to office and correct his first term mistakes
That’s particularly evident in the Project’s focus on amping up the number and power of political appointees (relative to career civil servants) throughout the executive branch, especially at the Justice Department
The tangled, nearly 7-year saga of the Stormy Daniels hush money scandal and investigations that has resulted in Trump now being on the verge of indictment, explained
THE PAYOFF: The month before the 2016 election, Stormy Daniels prepared to come forward alleging a consensual sexual encounter with Trump 10 years prior — but let it be known she'd accept payment for her silent.
Michael Cohen sent the payment, $130,000, on October 27, 2016.
INVESTIGATION 1 (FEDS): When SDNY prosecutors investigated Cohen, they argued the $130,000 payment violated federal campaign finance laws, since it was meant to help Trump win the election.
Cohen pleaded guilty to this and other charges. But the theory was never tested in court
Hunter Biden has filed a countersuit against the computer repair store owner who provided his emails and files to Trump allies.
It's interesting to look very closely at which claims Hunter explicitly denies and which he claims not to have knowledge sufficient to confirm or deny
Hunter denies he was referred to the repair store.
Hunter says he lacks the knowledge to confirm or deny whether he asked the repairman to recover info from damaged computers and whether he himself returned to the shop the next day
So this is not an outright denial that Hunter dropped his laptops off at the repair store. Instead it seems to point to a "I don't remember" (implicitly: "I was too wasted" defense)
Here we have the same exercise, "Whom to Leave Behind," but with different identities. Race is only explicitly mentioned for one person on the list. It's dated 1998 at the bottom.