EU Commission proposal re emergency measures for Poland, Latvia and Lithuania re asylum applications at border with Belarus - ec.europa.eu/commission/pre…
Creates temporary exceptions re EU law asylum procedures, fast-track returns, reception conditions
I'm absent from Twitter in principle during the USS strike action - but I'm making an exception to tweet about this, as it's an emergency proposal on the human rights of people starving/freezing to death on the border.
More when the full text is available
Full text of proposal for emergency measures re EU asylum law and Poland, Lithuania and Latvia re Belarus border now published - ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/p…
Comments to follow
Striking that Lithuania has received EU support re beds and heating for the people needing it, while the implication is that Latvia and Poland turned that support down. I hope that they are providing their own support where needed.
The proposal starts with some exceptions from EU law on asylum procedures. Note that it does *not* provide for an exception from the basic rule that Member States must consider asylum applications made at the border.
The three Member States may set different modalities of support for the basic needs of asylum seekers, but this is *not* an exception from the whole reception conditions Directive, and there is still an explicit obligation to provide for basic needs in some form.
For failed asylum seekers, those Member States can derogate from the whole Returns Directive (which concerns the status and treatment of irregular migrants), but in fact certain parts of this Directive would still have to be complied with.
There would have to be procedural guarantees for the people concerned.
Part of the clause on support from Frontex. The proposal also includes support from the EU asylum agency and Europol.
It would apply for six months but could be extended or repealed. Also applies to those already on the territory or those still awaiting a decision when it expires.
Remember the Council can amend this proposal (or refuse to adopt it) - vote is by a qualified majority. The European Parliament is only consulted on such emergency measures.
The EU previously adopted emergency asylum laws re the perceived asylum crisis in 2015 and one of them was unsuccessfully challenged before the CJEU. The details are different but that judgment might be partly relevant by analogy.
The UK is now offering less to the EU in return for a readmission treaty than it offered in 2020 - when it offered a (weak) treaty on unaccompanied child asylum seekers in conjunction with it.
And even if it's true that, as Johnson claims, the French EU Council presidency will prioritise an EU/UK return deal (and I wouldn't trust Johnson to tell me the time of day), it would need sign off by the Commission, European Parliament and other Member States.
I've been very critical of the Mail in the past and probably will be again, but I wrote for Mail+ because I don't think we can just preach to the choir on this or any other issue. I think it's important to make this point to Mail+ readers, for instance.
If it doesn't look like my writing style it's because my text was edited somewhat. But all the key points I wanted to make are there.
There's no such rule in the Refugee Convention. Sometimes two or more supposedly 'safe' countries agree to allocate responsibility for asylum seekers, which may include such a rule between them, but the UK left such a system (the Dublin rules). More here: ukandeu.ac.uk/the-dublin-reg…
A 'safe third country' rule may also exist in national law, as it has for awhile in the UK, as well as in some EU Member States (partly harmonised by EU law - see Art 38 of the procedures directive: eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/…)
BUT...>
...a unilateral 'safe third country' rule is unworkable in practice without the other country agreeing to take the asylum seekers, as the EU legislation expressly recognises (see Art 38(4), which in that case requires the Member State to consider the application).
The full text of the EU proposal on sanctioning transport companies re moving people to the Poland/Belarus border is here: ec.europa.eu/transparency/d…
Some comments 1/x
2/ First of all, it's a transport law proposal, rather than a foreign policy proposal (which would need unanimity) or an immigration law proposal (which would entail Irish and Danish opt-outs). So it would be ordinary EU law that would apply to all Member States.
3/ As it's a proposal for legislation, the full legislative process has to apply in order to adopt it. However, it's possible for the EU institutions to fast-track the process and adopt legislation within a month or two if they can agree on it quickly.
Redwood's misunderstanding is twofold. 1) the test in Article 16 is that application of the protocol has led to trade diversion; "the EU has trashed the Agreement by diverting trade" is gibberish. 2) "disproportionate action on the GB/NI border" is not an Article 16 issue.
In both cases, Redwood frames the issue as blaming the EU, whereas the test in Article 16 in fact refers to application of the protocol - ie the treaty text that both parties ratified, and that Redwood voted for.
The comparison with other walks of life doesn't work. A suspension is not a firing; rather (if it is long enough) it triggers a political process in which voters decide if there will be a by election, and if so, who will win it.
This reflects the distinct status of MPs, who did not get their job via an interview but via an election, and who can lose their job via further elections - not employment law processes - in future.