Thread: I've just been counting the number of bad ideas in @thetimes report on the new #drugstrategy2021 (text taken from @LexisNexis). Let's start with the premise that (1) there is an 'alarming rise' in drug offences, and (2) half of all murders drug-related...
The reason for (1) the increase in drug offences is that the police have been carrying out more stop-and-searches. We don't know what the underlying trend in drug use is, although there are worrying reports of increased drug-related deaths.
The idea (2) that half of all murders are drug-related is based on data suggesting that either the victim or the perpetrator used controlled drugs. By that logic, 100% of murders are water-related.
The suggested response is (3) a 'crackdown', despite evidence reviews repeatedly showing that crackdowns of various kinds don't work.
Specifically (4), there is a headline promise to close down 2,000 'gangs'. In the text, this turns out actually relate to the number of phone numbers closed down; an indicator that has very little connection to the amount of drugs sold or harm done.
People whose numbers are on dealers' phones will be targeted for police messages to let them know they are 'not anonymous' (5). I know of no evidence that this will reduce use, and I wonder how it squares with data protection law.
(6) Even more money will be spent on the new prisons that will already cost us £billions. I'd be interested to know if HMPPS ever reviewed the implementation of the 2008 Blakey report, and why his recommendations for ever tighter security measures have evidently failed.
(7) Mandatory drug test on arrest - first introduced by the Drugs Act 2005 - will be revived and expanded, despite never having been rigorously evaluated or shown to reduce crime. Back then, a parliamentary Human Rights Committee warned that this breached arrestees' rights.
(8) The new version looks even worse, as it is stated that people will be punished for refusing treatment, not just for their crime. This is against all medical ethics codes. Any treatment provider which takes part will be in breach of their ethical commitments.
There will apparently be (9) an 'advertising blitz' on university campuses. Haven't students suffered enough this past couple of years, without being targeted by some ham-fisted media company reviving Pablo the drug smuggling dog? dailymotion.com/video/x2ndbay
There also seem to be (10) a bastardised version of the idea of using drug tests to provide 'swift, certain and minimal' consequences for deterrence. But instead of being swift and certain, the process of taking people through courts will be delayed and severe.
Overall, the package reads like a group of SpAds and civil servants have been tasked with coming up with some 'totemic tough' policies to balance out the evidence-based recommendation of @DameCarolBlack on re-investing in treatment. I.e. Project ADDER writ large.
Next week, at the #ISSDP2022 conference, I will present the first paper in preparation for my book with @policypress on ‘Drug Policy Constellations’. It examines the role of morality in influencing UK drug policy. kar.kent.ac.uk/97946/ Here’s a summary. 1/11
TL:DR. The contents of drug policy decisions are influenced by the different moralities which bring people together in constellations of policy actors and policy positions. 2/11
The paper uses the policy constellations approach, which I created with @GFZampini in our earlier article on UK drug policy. It explains that networks bring not just people but power and moral ideas together in overlapping constellations. linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S… 3/11
A thread on studies by some US economists of the ‘moral hazard’ of harm reduction practices: i.e. the idea that harm reduction increases overall drug use and related harms by reducing the costs and harms of use to the individual, rational decision-maker. 1/7
The #SewellReport really is a verbose, sloppy and intellectually dishonest piece of work. In the bits I know about (drugs and crime), there is a pattern of misleading readers by mischaracterising the sources it cites. Here are some examples. 1/n
To back a claim that cannabis is a 'gateway' drug, it cites a 2002 ACMD report. Here's what a later (2008) ACMD report says on the issue
To support the idea that stop and search works, they rely on a study in the BJC . While this study found a small association with lower recorded drug crime, it conclude, 'claims that this is an effective way to control and deter offending seem misplaced'. academic.oup.com/bjc/article/58…
If not by institutional racism, then how can the commission explain ongoing disadvantage in the criminal justice system, employment, housing, school exclusions?
The report apparently states “We found that most of the disparities we examined, which some attribute to racial discrimination, often do not have their origins in racism.” Which is pretty close to MacPherson's definition of *institutional* racism.
The commission tries to minimise the existence of institutional racism by re-defining it. Note that Macpherson's definition included 'unwitting prejudice, thoughtlessness, ignorance'. Their new definition is more about direct discrimination.
I have resigned from the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs. Recent political vetting and
exclusion of suitably qualified applicants to join means that the ACMD is losing its independence. A thread to explain follows…
After the unjustified dismissal of @ProfDavidNutt in 2009, several ACMD members resigned. A
working protocol was put in place to protect the independence of the ACMD from ministerial
interference. gov.uk/government/pub…
The independence of the ACMD was a big factor in my deciding to apply to join in 2014. Please note that members of the ACMD are not paid by the government for their work – it is done in members’ own time, or in time paid for by their employer (for me, it was a mixture of both)