@erikabachiochi .@erikabachiochi: "Ending the abortion regime must be the keystone of standing against the individualistic libertarianism that characterizes our politics, left and right — and privileges the powerful over the weak and dependent." 2/
@erikabachiochi .@erikabachiochi: "A post-Roe America will need to move beyond its wrongheaded obsession with autonomy. It will need to align both its rhetoric and its policies better with the realities of human existence and so should work to bring forth a renewed solidarity instead." 3/
@erikabachiochi .@erikabachiochi: "Reliance on abortion as a backup to contraception tends to disincentivize contraceptive use and otherwise increase sexual risk taking, ***with women, not men, left to manage the asymmetrical risks.***" 4/
@erikabachiochi .@erikabachiochi: Easy access to abortion helps businesses ensure that women are readily available to meet the all-encompassing needs of the globalized marketplace, delaying real accommodations for time-consuming parenting, especially for women at lowest socioeconomic levels. 5/
@erikabachiochi .@erikabachiochi: Parasitic image that abortion rights feminists now offer of pregnancy is very different from what Friedan described in “The Feminine Mystique” in 1963 as the “biological oneness in the beginning between mother and child, a wonderful and intricate process.” 6/
@erikabachiochi .@erikabachiochi: Pro-life policies built on solidarity should fit with broader GOP agenda on behalf of workers and their families. 7/
@erikabachiochi Notable that @erikabachiochi was (in her words) "a pro-choice women’s studies student at Middlebury College in the 1990s" until "deeply communitarian arguments" of Mary Ann Glendon and joyful pro-life witness caused her to rethink her views. 9/
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Seems to me that the only justices who very clearly showed their hands are Breyer and Sotomayor. (Not that I have any doubt where Kagan will be.)
To be sure, if you started with the assumption that there are five justices ready to overturn Roe, nothing in the oral argument would have *dislodged* that assumption. But that doesn't remotely establish that your assumption was right.
I’m very grateful to @WSJopinion for the prime real estate for my piece.
I'm also pleased to note @WSJopinion house editorial, which soundly concludes: "It’s time for the Justices to bow out [of abortion debate] and let the people decide." wsj.com/articles/an-ab…
But allow me to note several respects in which I disagree with editorial.
@WSJopinion Mississippi did not pull a "bait and switch," and there is no basis for a dismissal. See thread here
Harvard law prof Stephen Sachs: "The more I think about it, the more confused I am by how the various SB8 challenges are supposed to work, even if they succeed."
Prof. Sachs: So what can the Court do? It is being asked to make very significant innovations in procedural law on very tight timetable. The danger is that it will fall into the familiar fallacy: (1) Something must be done. (2) This is something. (3) Therefore, this must be done.
Prof. Sachs: What the SB8 challengers really need is a *statutory* right to preenforcement review. Congress has various alternatives it could pursue. But fact that it hasn't done any of them doesn't entitle Court to go ahead and invent remedies.
Abortion providers took nearly two months to file complaint against Texas Heartbeat Act and 80 days to move for preliminary injunction. Supreme Court shouldn't rush its decision. Far more important to get it right.
As to idea that injunction against private enforcers is the solution:
-- Only one private enforcer is a named defendant in WWH, and there is no request to certify a class.
-- No private enforcers in DOJ case.
-- How would out-of-state enforcers be reached?
If you can't bar out-of-state enforcers from filing suit in state court in TX, then bar against in-state enforcers (even if there were a path to that) wouldn't change deterrent effect.
More on: The Warren Court Lives?!? nationalreview.com/bench-memos/mo… Intense exasperation from folks deeply immersed in issues of federal jurisdiction.
From a fed-courts maven: "If we can’t trust a 6-3 court not to screw up an issue that is both so dictated by precedent and so consistent with bedrock principles of separation of powers and judicial restraint, then it makes me question what we’ve been fighting for all these years"
I'm reminded of Scalia's condemnation (in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld) of judicial "Mr. Fix-it Mentality," with "mission to Make Everything Come Out Right"