This is a really important point. Critics of the "administrative state" and executive power rarely acknowledge that the filibuster contributes to both phenomena. The president and executive agencies must fill in more and more gaps in the law because a paralyzed Congress cannot.
There is a lot of agreement between conservative-libertarian types and progressives that the executive branch has amassed too much power. But without filibuster reform, very little substantive legislation can pass the Senate, so power continues to flow to the executive.
The current arrangement is very favorable to our Republican-dominated federal judiciary, though, because judges can block executive actions and agency rules then say "sorry, Congress has to do this," knowing full well Congress will never do it. A neat system we've set up.
Of course, confirming judges requires a simple majority in the Senate, while passing substantive legislation typically requires 60 votes. So Republicans get their agenda passed via the federal judiciary while Democrats can't get bills through the Senate even when they control it.
If you are a federal judge who wants to block a rule or regulation, all you have to do is whisper "non-delegation doctrine" and issue a nationwide injunction. No further reasoning required! Meanwhile Democrats get their agenda smothered by the filibuster.
NEW: The Supreme Court refuses to block a New York regulation requiring health care workers to get the COVID vaccine with no religious exemptions. Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch dissent.
Here is Gorsuch's furious dissent, which compares vaccine mandates to laws forcing public school students to recite the pledge of allegiance. documentcloud.org/documents/2115…
(Housekeeping: There were two challenges to New York's vaccine mandate; today, the Supreme Court turned away both of them. Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch dissented from both orders. Gorsuch filed a written dissent in the second case, Dr. A v. Hochul.)
BREAKING: The Supreme Court allows Texas abortion providers to sue the state's "executive licensing officials" to block S.B. 8, the state's six-week abortion ban. The federal lawsuit can proceed. supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf…
Separately, the Supreme Court dismisses (as improvidently granted) the Justice Department's challenge to S.B. 8 on behalf of the United States. Only Sotomayor dissents. supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf…
The Supreme Court divides 4–1–4:
Gorsuch, Alito, Barrett, Kavanaugh: Providers can sue executive licensing officials.
Thomas: Providers can't sue at all.
Roberts, Breyer, Sotomayor, Kagan: Providers can sue licensing officials, the TX AG, and state court clerks.
Today the Supreme Court will hear Carson v. Makin. The plaintiffs seek to force Maine into subsidizing the religious indoctrination of children in the name of "religious liberty." If successful, Mainers will be financing Christian schools like these. slate.com/news-and-polit…
The plaintiffs argue that Maine "discriminates on the basis of religion" by declining to spend taxpayer dollars on Christian education that includes hateful propaganda about religious minorities and LGBTQ people. The Supreme Court will likely agree. slate.com/news-and-polit…
As a result, Mainers who vehemently disagree with fundamentalist Christian values will be compelled to underwrite schools that inculcate these values in children. Muslims, Jews, atheists, liberal Christians, LGBTQ people: Their rights just don't matter. slate.com/news-and-polit…
Jeffrey Bossert Clark's lawyer writes that "based on our research," the Jan. 6 committee lacks authority to issue depositions. He says the committee is improperly constituted because, among other things, Liz Cheney is no longer a real Republican. docs.house.gov/meetings/IJ/IJ…
Reminder: Clark plotted a coup with Trump to use the Justice Department to overturn the election. slate.com/news-and-polit…
His lawyer says he won't testify about the failed DOJ coup and slams the Jan. 6 committee as a "political monolith" with no legal power to depose him.
Clark's chief objection is that the Jan. 6 investigation is "not being conducted in true bipartisan fashion," alleging that Republicans' "ostensible counsel" did not "push back" enough against Democrats. For evidence, he cites a Mollie Hemingway article in the Federalist.
Sotomayor says the sponsors of Mississippi's 15-week abortion ban said "we're doing it because we have new justices."
She asks: "Will this institution survive the stench that this creates in the public perception that the Constitution and its reading are just political acts?"
Chief Justice Roberts suggests that the bright-line rule established in Roe and Casey—no total abortion bans before fetal viability—was completely arbitrary. It sounds to me like he is ready to abolish the viability line.
After Sotomayor suggests that overturning Roe would imperil other precedents protecting contraception and gay rights, Barrett asks if the court could overrule Roe in a way that preserves those precedents. Sounds like she's preemptively saying: Roe is dead, but those are safe.
This is Trump Judge Terry Doughty's second nationwide injunction against a Biden administration policy. He previously blocked Biden's attempt to pause new oil and gas leases on public lands.
The non-delegation has gone from a moribund theory to ubiquitous cudgel against Joe Biden in roughly two years. Trump judges barely even really explain their reasoning anymore—they just scream "non-delegation doctrine" and issue a nationwide injunction. storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.usco…
Has anyone checked in with the conservative commentators who railed against nationwide injunctions under Trump?