What we really need to see in the Independent Human Rights Act review document which is meant to be published alongside this.
The govt has had it for weeks without publishing so my guess is it wasn't exactly what they were hoping for
Useful to go to the end first as this is where the actual proposed changes to the Human Rights Act are - in Appendix 2
Both options on reform of section 2 (requirement to take into account European Court of Human Rights cases) change the "must" to a "may" and variously change the emphasis and encourage courts to look at domestic case law (which they do anyway)
Two options for watering down the interpretative requirements in section 3 - but option 2B, which doesn't require a provision to be ambiguous to be subject to the interpretive obligation, is not a million miles away from the current section 3
Two proposals for increasing emphasis on the "view" of parliament (not "intention" or "purpose" - take that, judges debating which is the right one!) in deciding proportionality. "Great weight" must be given - it already generally is but this might shift the balance slightly
This seems a sensible formalisation of what happens when the UK is found to have breached a convention right by the European Court of Human Rights. Wouldn't change much or anything on the ground but I don't see a problem with it
Here is another proposal, which hasn't been formalised into draft bill text for some reason - a "permission stage" requiring "significant disadvantage". This would, it seems to me, increase bureaucracy and use court resources but the govt think it will help weed out bad claims
Trial by jury and rebalancing of free expression rights to benefit the press also not set out as proper proposals, more questions for consultation
Option 1 would drive a coach and horses through human rights protections as it would "deem" public authorities' actions lawful under the Bill of Rights even if they flagrantly breached human rights. Doubt would survive a European Court of Human Rights challenge (effective remedy)
I know these are on the government's wish list but any statutory provision which takes away the rights of certain classes of individuals altogether would not survive a European Court of Human Rights challenge. Maybe that's the point - create a tension, tell people...
... Strasbourg is getting in the way of deporting criminals, leave the European Court of Human Rights in the longer term.
I can't spend any more time on this at the moment. My initial impression is there is a mix of relatively modest proposals (changes to ss.2 and 3) with some bigger changes which would seriously undermine the operation of the bill of rights and access by individuals...
... e.g. withdrawing rights from certain classes of people (people with criminal convictions being deported), "significant disadvantage" bureaucratic hurdle, un-rebuttable presumption that public authorities can't breach rights when carrying out duties under primary legislation
IHRAR basically agrees with a slight change to section 2 - prioritising common law case law, which is what the Supreme Court has been saying anyway in cases like Osborn
IHRAR rejects a statutory change to the "margin of discretion" - government has rejected that recommendation and wants to do it anyway
Courts have been "careful and cautious"
The European Court of Human Rights listens to and learns from UK courts and parliament, the level of dialogue is good
Some interesting reform proposals on section 3 interpretation which the government hasn't accepted in full
This is all very sensible and the government has basically ignored the fact that section 3 interpretation is working well
I need to leave it now but here's a summary of the recommendations. Far more modest than govt's which you might cynically say has to satisfy its constituents i.e. Conservative party members. Because nobody else including its own independent panel is asking for significant change
The Divisional Court has ruled that the Government acted unlawfully and irrationally when deciding not to implement the full funding recommendation in Lord Bellamy’s Criminal Legal Aid Review.
I had the rare honour of acting for my professional colleagues, Criminal Law Solicitors Association (@CrimeSolicitors) and the London Criminal Courts Solicitors Association (@lccsa), the Interested Parties in the case. Their press release is below.
The Claimant @TheLawSociety was superbly represented by Tom de la Mare KC @thebrieftweet, Gayatri Sarathy and Emmeline Plews of @BlackstoneChbrs, instructed by John Halford of Bindmans LLP Gayatri Sarathy and Emmeline Plews of Blackstone Chambers, instructed by John Halford of @BindmansLLP.
The amount of work which went into putting the case together and presenting the oral arguments, and standing up for the rule of law, was extraordinary - a credit to the profession.
Together with the Law Society, the CLSA and the LCCSA provided the Court with a large number of witness statements from solicitors up and down the country, at every level of seniority, describing the relentless, physically demanding and emotionally draining nature of criminal defence work and the chronic underfunding which has led to a crisis in the retention of solicitors who are leaving in their droves for better pay and conditions that can be found elsewhere.
The Government response to the Criminal Legal Aid Review utterly failed to grasp the extent of the crisis. Despite the review recommending a 15% increase to solicitors fees as “no more than a minimum starting point”, it increased fees by only 9% with a further 2% promised this year.
The ruling today confirms that the Government response to the review was so flawed as to be unlawful and irrational.
In today’s ruling Lord Justice Singh and Mr Justice Jay described the evidence we submitted from our members alongside the Law Society as “a mass of convergent evidence from honest, professional people working up and down the country”, which is “cogent”, “impressive” and “compelling”, and which “brings home [that] women and men working up and down the country at all hours of the day and night, in difficult and stressful circumstances, carrying out an essential service which depends to a large extent on their goodwill and sense of public duty”.
Some very public-facing comments by Lord Reed in the opening of his summary of the judgment:
- Policy is not that the UK will process asylum claims whilst people are in Rwanda, Rwanda will process them (despite the former often being claimed)
- The non-refoulement principle is contained in a number of treaties not just the European Convention on Human Rights and Human Rights Act
Prediction is a mug's game but if I were giving a public judgment rejecting the government's appeal this is how I would begin it!
This is a beautifully clear summary of the relevant legal principles. A model of its form - plain English, focussed on the public
The Home Secretary acted unlawfully by accommodating, since December 2021, thousands of unaccompanied child asylum seekers in hotels. Kent Council also acted unlawfully in passing on responsibility for them.
A judgment suffused with humanity, legal rigour and common sense from Mr Justice Chamberlain, starting from changing the parties' preferred acronym to emphasise the human element.
The House of Commons Privileges Committee has reported on the conduct of MPs who impugned 'the integrity of that Committee and its members' and attempted 'to lobby or intimidate those members or to encourage others to do so'
This is the suggestion of contempt based on Erskine May (the Parliamentary procedure bible) - which I think is quite convincing. The comments of members about the Privileges Committee being essentially corrupted were very arguably over the line
One point which I think was striking about the MPs who criticised the report is none of them seemed to point to any particular finding they disagreed with. They just went for the committee and the individuals on it.