The very nature of judicial review—backward-looking, tending toward caution and based on incomplete facts—shows it to be a cumbersome way to curb or even evaluate the assertion of emergency power—intended to be preventative and aimed at a broad-based threat.
We could hold government to the facts known to policymakers and force them to be “internally consistent,” as challengers to the admin’s vaccine mandate demand, but that would also strip an agency of power and flexibility for threats that change quickly. Formalism over function.
By taking a step back from immediate disputes we can see that the Constitution itself is forcing policy makers and lawyers into making absurd choices because it has not been updated to obviously empower government to deal with public health, emergencies, or have agencies.
Those modern powers are built on cases and doctrines that are often incompletely justified and remain deeply contested. They are also then left to the whims of federal judges. The only way to clear away the mess that impairs good government is a constitutional re-write.

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More from @robertltsai

29 Jul 21
Today’s writing inspiration: Charles Ogletree, known affectionately as “Tree” to friends. Ogletree, an alum of PDS, taught at @Harvard_Law. In 1990, Tree, Steve Bright & Bryan Stevenson worked on the appeal of James Ford, who had an IQ of 73 and was under a death sentence.
During Ford’s trial, the prosecution used 9/10 peremptory strikes against black jurors. Ford was a black man accused of killing a white woman. His lawyers knew that local prosecutors had a reputation for aggressively removing black jurors so they filed a pretrial motion. /2
His lawyers cited the Sixth Amendment, but didn’t mention the 14th Amendment. But both the judge and the prosecution understood the motion raised a jury composition issue and alleged racial discrimination in the state’s jury strikes. /3
Read 14 tweets
28 Jul 21
Welcome to new followers! I tweet about con law, legal history, and political theory. I’m writing a book about Steve Bright, former public defender who ended up as one of the greatest death penalty lawyers of his generation. You’ll see some tweets about that project too.
My book offers a kind of intellectual history of the ideas that mattered in the decades after SCOTUS reinstated the death penalty in 1976. What worked, what didn’t? We go from triage to the development of key principles: fairness, equality, effective representation.
Readers will learn how Steve and his band of fellow lawyers, staff, and interns respond to an avalanche of negative SCOTUS jurisprudence and develop an arsenal of arguments and tactics that begin to save lives.
Read 11 tweets
10 Jun 21
For those interested in criminal justice reform, here’s a thread on some of our constitutional tweaks in the @DemJournal draft Constitution. The first set of changes is to try to reduce coerced confessions by excluding them unless their substance can be confirmed in open court.
This will surely be harder to do and so will probably reduce reliance on confessions alone. We also incorporate and expand Brady to help with the asymmetrical access to evidence and resources in the criminal justice system. /2
We explicitly expand the right to counsel not only to incorporate any hearing to confirm the substance of so-called confessions but also for pleas, appeal, and post-conviction review. /3
Read 11 tweets
9 Jun 21
Reform of SCOTUS:
1. Always an even number of justices and no fewer than 8
2. 16-yr term limits
3. Congress allowed to establish other term limits for lower court judges
4. No nationwide injunctions by a single judge … @DemJournal bit.ly/3pGKnyT
5. No Act of Congress may be invalidated unless 3/4 of justices agree
6. If threshold met, Congress given 18 months in which to remedy through further legislation unless “manifestly” unconstitutional—in which immediate injunction may issue.
During deliberations, I pushed for 12-15 year term limits for federal judges though I lost. I think anything longer than 8 years—beyond a typical president’s tenure—is enough to insulate from politics. Much longer and the temptation to entrench party policies grows.
Read 14 tweets
11 Nov 20
On this Veteran’s Day, many are worried about a coup by the president. Let’s be watchful but trust the patriotic and law-abiding citizens among us to do their jobs as professionals. There are certainly alarming things about Trump’s post-election rhetoric and that of his allies.
/2 Repeatedly claiming the election was rigged is disgraceful and anti-democratic. It sows suspicion and division. It raises outsized hopes that the will of the people will somehow be overthrown. Such language undermines our institutions.
/3 But a coup can’t happen without a lot of orchestration and acquiescence. There has been more norm-breaking but not yet any lawbreaking. Trust election officials—Democrats, Republicans, and volunteers—to finish counting the votes and certify the election results in every state.
Read 8 tweets
9 Nov 20
So this is Trump’s final Hail Mary: an assault on mail-in voting by invoking Bush v. Gore. But this would bring down the entire election in PA. I also see no limiting principle to prevent such a precedent from also invalidating mail-in voting systems in other states.
Another problem with this radical reading of Bush v. Gore is that it uses the idea of equality to dismantle a system of voting created in advance by the state, rather than to stop a state official from changing recount standards after people have voted.
In any event, the theory of unequal or unfair treatment falls apart when you think about it. They argue that mail-in ballots are “devaluing in-person votes,” but it does no such thing. Each person had an equal opportunity formally to decide how to cast one vote.
Read 12 tweets

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