Reema Omer Profile picture
Jan 30, 2022 18 tweets 3 min read Read on X
A snapshot into constitutional and human rights jurisprudence of Justice Umar Ata Bandial, who will be the Chief Justice of Pakistan from 2 Feb 2022 to 17 September 2023
1. In 2015, he was part of the 21st amendment judgment, which held trial of civilians for terrorism by military courts did not violate right to fair trial or judicial independence

Judgment also said it is for the govt - not courts - to ensure its conduct doesn’t violate int. law
2. In the same case, he was one of the judges who held Parliament’s powers to amend the Constitution was subject to “implied limitations”, and that SC had power to strike down constitutional amendments if they substantively altered the Constitution’s “salient features”
3. He authored the SC judgment the lifetime disqualification case, in which the SC held disqualification under Article 62 (1) (f) is for life

The judgment also said Articles 62 and 63 reflect Islamic values and therefore are integral to scheme of the Constitution
4. He was part of the Supreme Court bench that held S. 203 of Election Act should be read subject to Art 62, 63 of Constitution i.e. a person disqualified under these provisions cannot hold the position of a “party head”

The law at the time contained no such prohibition
5. He authored the majority judgment in Justice Isa’s case

The judgment quashed the reference against J. Isa for being mala fide in law

Yet, the majority judgment directed authorities to conduct inquiries against J. Isa’s family outside the mandate of law
6. He was one of the four dissenting judges who rejected review petitions against the directions contained in paras 4 to 11 of the SC judgment in J. Isa’s case

(As mentioned earlier, J. Bandial was the author the majority judgment under review)
7. He was one of the six judges who decided against Justice Isa’s application to make court proceedings related to the review petitions in his case available to the public
8. He was part of the two-member bench (along with Justice Shah) who granted Khursheed Shah bail

Court held since NAB was unable to show sufficient incriminating material to justify Shah’s detention, depriving him of his liberty would be “unconscionable and below human dignity”
9. J. Bandial headed the 5-member bench that declared the Chief Justice is the sole authority through whom suo motu jurisdiction under 184(3) can be assumed

No bench has authority to take any step that could constitute exercise of suo motu until CJ has invoked such jurisdiction
10. He was part of the bench that dismissed a petition to declare Imran Khan not sadiq and ameen

Court held “dishonesty is an essential element of disqualification” under 62(1)(f), and in IK’s case, there is “no dishonesty in the omission” related to his declaration of assets
11. He was part of the bench that passed an order to dispose of the application in the case about PM’s distribution of development funds

Order said to uphold principle of “un-biasness and impartiality”, J. Isa (also a member of the bench) should not hear matters related to PM
12. He authored the order that suspended (for most part) the Balochistan High Court judgment on DHA Quetta

Among other things, BHC judgment had held S. 6(1)(b) of DHA Quetta Act, which allowed DHA Quetta to acquire land under the Land Acquisition Act, violated the Constitution
13. CJ Bandial’s jurisprudence continued..

CJ Bandial led a larger bench that in April 2022 unanimously held former Dep Speaker Suri’s ruling dismissing VONC resolution and the subsequent dissolution of National Assembly was unconstitutional and a violation of fundamental rights
14. In May 2022, CJ Bandial took suo motu notice of “perceived interference" by "persons in authority" in investigation/prosecution of Govt officials

In its order, a SC larger bench barred transfers/removals of persons involved in investigation/prosecution of high profile cases
15. CJ Bandial was one of the 3 judges who in response to a presidential reference held Art 63A should be given a “robust and purposive” meaning and votes cast contrary to party direction must be disregarded

Two dissenting judges considered this re-writing of the Constitution
16. He led a larger bench that considered contempt proceedings against IK for disobeying a court order regarding PTI’s long march

CJ Bandial exercised restraint and ordered a further inquiry

J. Afridi in his dissent said there is enough material to move against IK for contempt
17. He was part of a 3-member bench that held Mazari’s ruling discarding votes by Q MPAs unconstitutional

He distanced himself from a different reading of Art 63 earlier by arguing, among others things, judges are free to adopt “correct” view after conscious application of mind

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More from @reema_omer

Jul 26
Justice Babar Sattar’s order in Bushra Bibi’s case provides a comprehensive overview of our law regarding recusal for judges

These principles are informative as we assess PTI’s recusal requests against CJP and Justice Aamer Farooq:
1. The constitution and the law do not give a litigating party the “right” to demand recusal

Instead, the obligation is on the judge to seek recusal and they should determine their own disqualification to hear a case
2. Where a judge has a personal or proprietary interest in the outcome of a case, they should recuse based on the principle “no one can be a judge in their own cause”

3. Upholding the constitution/law is not “personal” interest - a judge has the duty to protect and defend them
Read 6 tweets
Jul 12
Summary of SC judgment today:

1. Majority of 8 judges hold even without a common symbol, PTI is and was a political party

39 candidates who mentioned PTI in their (i) declarations or (ii) statements, or (iii) submitted PTI’s certificate would be considered PTI candidates
In addition, due to “peculiar facts and circumstances” at the time of elections, the remaining 41 candidates may make a fresh declaration of affiliation within 15 days. If the concerned party confirms affiliation, that candidate too would be considered the party’s candidate
PTI’s reserved seats shall be calculated on this basis, for which PTI can submit a fresh list of candidates

2. J. Mandokhail and CJP state the ECP misinterpreted the SC’s 13 January judgment and had no authority to declared candidates validly nominated by a party as indepedents
Read 8 tweets
Jul 3
1. The “seniority” principle and the “legitimate expectation” of senior most high court judges to be appointed CJs + judges of the SC are once again being debated after Justice Aalia Neelum’s nomination as CJ LHC

What are these principles and are they even relevant today?
2. These principles are often traced back to the Al-Jehad Trust case (Judges case), 1996

At that time, SC judges were appointed by the President (on PM’s advice) after consultation with CJP

CJs of High Courts were appointed by the President in consultation with CJP + Governor
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3. As is evident, the Constitution at the time gave the executive a lot of power in judicial appointments

In Al-Jehad, the SC led by CJ Sajjal Ali Shah, read into law a number of requirements, including making CJP’s opinion in “consultations” practically binding on the President
Read 10 tweets
Jan 13
1. A brief constitutional history of intra-party elections, which shows they cannot be used to deny rights protected by Art 17(2):

(Note: Courts have interpreted Art 17(2) to include right to function as a political party + right of citizens to vote for a party of their choice)
2. In 2002, General Musharraf amended the Constitution through the Legal Framework Order

He added 17(4) to the Constitution, which said:

“(4) Every political party shall, subject to law, hold intra-party elections to elect its office-bearers and party leaders”
3. In 2010, Parliament passed the 18th amendment

Among other changes, the 18th amendment repealed Art 17(4) - the constitutional obligation on parties to conduct intra-party elections
Read 6 tweets
Jan 12
Why the SC should not interpret S. 215 of the Elections Act as empowering the ECP to deny political parties electoral symbols on the basis of irregularities in their intra-party polls:
1. The law is ambiguous. It does not expressly give ECP power to scrutinise intra-party elections, and on the basis of irregularities, deny electoral symbols

The law also doesn’t set any threshold for when irregularities are serious enough to lead to denial of electoral symbol
2. Art 17(2) of the Constitution guarantees the right to form political parties. Over the years, SC has robustly interpreted Art 17(2) to not just forming, but also operating as a political party

Contesting elections with a unified symbol comes falls squarely within this right
Read 6 tweets
Jan 10
1. There is ambiguity in the law regarding ECP’s power to refuse electoral symbols on the basis of irregularities in intra-party elections

Ideally, SC should clarify this issue + provide an interpretation of the Elections Act that is consistent with Art 17(2) of the Constitution
2. Section 208 of the Elections Act provides the legal framework for intra-party elections

If parties don’t hold timely elections, they can be fined

The provision doesn’t expressly provide consequences for procedural violations of the law + party constitutions in such elections Image
3. Section 209 lists factual details parties have to provide in certificates they must submit to ECP

It also says within 7 days, ECP has to publish the certificate

Rule 158 states ECP should publish after satisfying itself “certificate fulfils requirements of S. 208, 209”
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Read 6 tweets

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