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Feb 18, 2022 26 tweets 10 min read Read on X
STRONGEST FREE SPEECH ARGUMENT EVER MADE:

Frederick Douglass, “A Plea for Free Speech in Boston,” 1860

Whole speech, this 🧵

“Boston is a great city—and Music Hall has a fame almost as extensive as that of Boston. Nowhere more than here have the principles of human freedom...
2/26

“...been expounded. But for the circumstances already mentioned, it would seem almost presumption for me to say anything here about those principles. And yet, even here, in Boston, the moral atmosphere is dark & heavy. The principles of human liberty...
3/26

“..., even if correctly apprehended, find but limited support in this hour of trial. The world moves slowly, and Boston is much like the world. We thought the principle of free speech was an accomplished fact.
4/26
“Here, if nowhere else, we thought the right of the people to assemble & to express their opinion was secure. Dr. Channing had defended the right, Mr. Garrison had practically asserted the right, and Theodore Parker had maintained it with steadiness and fidelity to the last.
5/26

“But here we are today contending for what we thought was gained years ago. The mortifying and disgraceful fact stares us in the face, that though Faneuil Hall and Bunker Hill Monument stand, freedom of speech is struck down. No lengthy detail of facts is needed.
6/26

“They are already notorious; far more so than will be wished ten years hence.

The world knows that last Monday a meeting assembled to discuss the question: 'How Shall Slavery Be Abolished?' The world also knows that that meeting was invaded, insulted, captured...
7/26

“...by a mob of gentlemen, and thereafter broken up and dispersed by the order of the mayor, who refused to protect it, though called upon to do so. If this had been a mere outbreak of passion & prejudice among the baser sort, maddened by rum & hounded on...
8/26

“...by some wily politician to serve some immediate purpose—a mere exceptional affair—it might be allowed to rest with what has already been said. But the leaders of the mob were gentlemen. They were men who pride themselves upon their respect for law and order.
9/26

“These gentlemen brought their respect for the law with them & proclaimed it loudly while in the very act of breaking the law. Theirs was the law of slavery. The law of free speech & the law for the protection of public meetings they trampled under foot...
10/26

“...while they greatly magnified the law of slavery.

The scene was an instructive one. Men seldom see such a blending of the gentleman with the rowdy, as was shown on that occasion. It proved that human nature is very much the same, whether in tarpaulin or broadcloth.
11/26

“Nevertheless, when gentlemen approach us in the character of lawless & abandoned loafers—assuming for the moment their manners & tempers—they have themselves to blame if they are estimated below their quality.
12/26

“No right was deemed by the fathers of the Government more sacred than the right of speech. It was in their eyes, as in the eyes of all thoughtful men, the great moral renovator of society and government. Daniel Webster called it a homebred right, a fireside privilege.
13/26

“Liberty is meaningless where the right to utter one’s thoughts & opinions has ceased to exist. That, of all rights, is the dread of tyrants. It is the right which they first of all strike down. They know its power.
14/26

“Thrones, dominions, principalities, & powers, founded in injustice and wrong, are sure to tremble, if men are allowed to reason of righteousness, temperance, and of a judgment to come in their presence. Slavery cannot tolerate free speech.
15/26

“Five years of its [i.e., free speech's] exercise would banish the auction block and break every chain in the South. They will have none of it there, for they have the power. But shall it be so here?
16/26

“Even here in Boston, and among the friends of freedom, we hear two voices: one denouncing the mob that broke up our meeting on Monday as a base & cowardly outrage; and another, deprecating & regretting the holding of such a meeting, by such men, at such a time.
17/26

“We are told that the meeting was ill-timed, & the parties to it unwise.

Why, what is the matter with us? Are we going to palliate & excuse a palpable & flagrant outrage on the right of speech...
18/26

“...by implying that only a particular description of persons should exercise that right? Are we, at such a time, when a great principle has been struck down, to quench the moral indignation which the deed excites, by casting reflections upon those...
19/26

“...on whose persons the outrage has been committed? After all the arguments for liberty to which Boston has listened for more than a quarter of a century, has she yet to learn that the time to assert a right is the time when the right itself is called in question...
20/26

“...and that the men of all others to assert it are the men to whom the right has been denied?

It would be no vindication of the right of speech to prove that certain gentlemen of great distinction, eminent for their learning and ability, are allowed to freely express...
21/26

“...their opinions on all subjects—including the subject of slavery. Such a vindication would need, itself, to be vindicated. It would add insult to injury. Not even an old-fashioned abolition meeting could vindicate that right in Boston just now.
22/26

“There can be no right of speech where any man, however lifted up, or however humble, however young, or however old, is overawed by force, and compelled to suppress his honest sentiments.
23/26

“Equally clear is the right to hear. “To suppress free speech is a double wrong. It violates the rights of the hearer as well as those of the speaker. It is just as criminal to rob a man of his right to speak and hear as it would be to rob him of his money.
24/26

“I have no doubt that Boston will vindicate this right. But in order to do so, there must be no concessions to the enemy. When a man is allowed to speak because he is rich and powerful, it aggravates the crime of denying the right to the poor and humble.
25/26

“The principle must rest upon its own proper basis. And until the right is accorded to the humblest as freely as to the most exalted citizen, the government of Boston is but an empty name, and its freedom a mockery.
26/26

“A man’s right to speak does not depend upon where he was born or upon his color. The simple quality of manhood is the solid basis of the right—and there let it rest forever.”

Frederick Douglass, “A Plea for Free Speech in Boston,” 1860.

Whole speech in this 🧵.

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More from @FreeBlckThought

May 30
Academia is a stronghold of totalitarian thought-control.

A librarian made the resources in our Compendium of FBT () available to his university campus.

His colleagues "did not feel safe" and attempted repeatedly to have him fired.

His story, this 🧵 bit.ly/36FTtDQ
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"In December of 2022, I published on our university library website a research guide consisting of a bibliography of black writers with heterodox views. By May of 2023, five months later, I had been labeled a racist, placed on administrative leave, and targeted for firing." Image
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"The bibliography was created and compiled by folks at an organization called Free Black Thought whose mission is, in their own words, to represent the rich diversity of black thought beyond the relatively narrow spectrum of views promoted by mainstream outlets. Although their website contains a variety of resources, my librarian’s eye was immediately drawn to their bibliography, which they named the Compendium of Free Black Thought (). They presented it as an open access work and encouraged folks to use it as they see fit.bit.ly/36FTtDQImage
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May 13
"How could it be that the university is zealous about policing pronouns but blasé about the advocacy of hateful violence?"

Roland Fryer's latest for the WSJ, "Anti-Israel Protests and the ‘Signaling’ Problem," reproduced here in full. 🧵 Image
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"The anti-Israel protests on college campuses present a puzzle for observers of academic norms and mores. Today, even relatively minor linguistic infractions, like the failure to use someone’s preferred pronouns, are categorized as abuse at many elite institutions, some of which even define potentially offensive speech as 'violence.' One need not even speak to run afoul of campus speech codes; I recently participated in a training in which we were warned of the consequences of remaining silent if we heard someone 'misgender' someone else.Image
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"Definitions of 'harmful' speech have become so capacious that one assumes they include antisemitism. In some cases, they surely do: A university wouldn’t take a hands-off approach to a student or faculty member who expressed prejudice against Jews in the manner of Archie Bunker or the Charlottesville marchers. Yet that’s what many of them have done when faced with protesters’ speech that is offensive to Jews, even when it crosses the line into threats, intimidation and harassment.Image
Read 16 tweets
May 8
"I understand the ethics underpinning the protests to be based on two widely recognized principles:

1. There is an ethical duty to express solidarity with the weak in any situation that involves oppressive power.

2. If the machinery of oppressive power is to be trained on the weak, then there is a duty to stop the gears by any means necessary.

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2)

"The first principle sometimes takes the 'weak' to mean 'whoever has the least power,' and sometimes 'whoever suffers most,' but most often a combination of both. The second principle, meanwhile, may be used to defend revolutionary violence, although this interpretation has just as often been repudiated by pacifistic radicals...Image
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"t is difficult to look at the recent Columbia University protests in particular without being reminded of the campus protests of the nineteen-sixties and seventies. At that time, a cynical political class was forced to observe the spectacle of its own privileged youth standing in solidarity with the weakest historical actors of the moment, a group that included, but was not restricted to, African Americans and the Vietnamese. Young Americans risked both their own academic and personal futures and—in the infamous case of Kent State—their lives. I imagine that the students at Columbia—and protesters on other campuses—fully intend this echo, and, in their unequivocal demand for both a ceasefire and financial divestment from this terrible war, to a certain extent they have achieved it.Image
Read 10 tweets
Apr 16
The ORIGINAL original "woke":

The Wide Awakes was a youth "marching club" formed in 1860 to support Abe Lincoln.

Slave-owners feared them: "One–half million of men uniformed and drilled, and the purpose of their org to sweep the country in which I live with fire and sword."
Image
Image
2)

Wide Awakes—the ORIGINAL original "woke":

Our cause is Abolition,
And for the Nigger we do cry;
For we do love the Nigger,
And will love him till we die.

'Tis honest Abe and Hamlin,
We want to rule our nation,
And for the Nigger we do claim
Equality of station.

loc.gov/item/amss-cw10…Image
3)

Wide Awake Club ribbon depicting Lincoln:

"In February, 1860. Cassius M. Clay [an abolitionist] spoke in Hartford, Connecticut. A few ardent young Republicans accompanied him as a kind of body-guard, and to save their garments from the dripping of the torches, a few of them wore improvised capes of black glazed cambric. The uniforms attracted so much attention that a campaign club-formed in Hartford soon after adopted it. This club called itself the 'Wide-Awakes'."Image
Read 4 tweets
Apr 2
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"DEI statements will essentially constitute pledges of allegiance that enlist academics into the DEI movement by dint of soft-spoken but real coercion: If you want the job or the promotion, play ball — or else." Image
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"Playing ball entails affirming that the DEI bureaucracy is a good thing and asking no questions that challenge it, all the while making sure to use in one’s attestations the easy-to-parody DEI lingo. It does not take much discernment to see, moreover, that the diversity statement regime leans heavily and tendentiously towards varieties of academic leftism and implicitly discourages candidates who harbor ideologically conservative dispositions.Image
Read 11 tweets
Mar 6
"Tonight, I learned the name of Alderman would be removed from Alderman Library. I became a student scholar at Alderman Library. ... This is not the first time a part of me, my cherished memories, have been 'disrupted' by ideologues.

—Winkfield Twyman 🧵 Image
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"When you change parts of my memory, you are sending a message to my generation. You are signaling the awesome positive race stories of the 1970s and 1980s are less important than dishonoring 18th century slaveholding families and segregationists before the Civil Rights Era. Image
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"For the Soviets, changing the names of places and landmarks and memories was about a restart of history. It was a brute force show of propaganda. Names more befitting ideology were slapped onto the side of buildings. The aim was to influence local identity, create a unifying identity and impose a totalitarian regime."Image
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