🧵 As carnage rains down on Ukraine, the consequences for British politics are trivial by comparison. But they are worth considering nonetheless, not least because they are more subject to our control. There are optimistic and pessimistic scenarios. [THREAD]
1. In the optimistic scenario, the UK begins to roll back some of the more destructive tendencies of its politics. It finally tackles London's role as a laundromat for dirty money, overhauling legal & regulatory systems that protect stolen wealth & shield its owners from scrutiny
2. In this scenario, UK politics ends its heroin-addiction on donations from the super-rich. It shuts down the Advisory Boards, unincorporated associations & cash-for-access networks through which the tendrils of plutocracy force their way into democratic politics & choke it off.
3. It begins to address the absurd mismatch between the scale of Britain's global ambitions & the resources it's willing to commit to them. And it starts to pursue a grown-up, post-Brexit relationship with the EU, rather than pretending that the EU ceased to exist in January 2020
4. In this pathway, the UK rebuilds the defences against the political model Putin represents. It rejects the lure of authoritarian "strong men", upholds independent media, fortifies the state against corruption & recognises the danger when leaders lie to the public with impunity
5. Perhaps most optimistically, govt recognises the costs that sanctions will impose at home, as food & fuel prices rise. It acknowledges that the burden cannot fall on the poorest; that if the UK is to present a united front abroad, it needs to rebalance burden-sharing at home.
6. That's the optimistic scenario. But the forces against which it's pushing are deeply embedded. It's no accident that London became the oligarchic playground of choice. For years, those close to power actively promoted that model to the world. thetimes.co.uk/article/conser…
7. Rewiring the legal and regulatory architecture of oligarchy would be a long and complex task: not the sort of thing at which British politics excels. More likely: govt will give itself powers to sanction specific individuals, while leaving the fundamental problems unaddressed.
8. So the pessimistic scenario is that current events simply exacerbate the problems of UK politics. Instead of reforming the law, we'll enhance the ability of govt to override it. We'll have more chest-thumping about global leadership, while ignoring the resource gap beneath it.
9. There's already a serious danger that economic pressure on the Russian state, and on the foreign assets of its elite, morphs into a kulturkampf on ordinary Russians living abroad. We've seen appalling statements from some MPs to this effect. metro.co.uk/2022/02/28/ukr…
10. In this gloomier scenario, calls for unity are used to stifle criticism & disable scrutiny. A cosplay Churchillism (only loosely connected to historical reality) amplifies a desire for "strong men" of our own, who embody "the will of the people" & stand above the usual rules.
11. In another recurring theme of British politics, there's little sign that government is ready to be honest with the public about the domestic costs of sanctions. Unless that changes, it may struggle to maintain public support for those measures, as food & fuel prices escalate.
12. Unless there is a serious and sustained attempt at sharing the domestic costs of sanctions, legitimate concern about energy prices may accelerate the backlash against Net Zero - a force that's been building on the Right for some time.
13. The war on Ukraine is raising hard political questions across the world: from defence spending in Germany, to nuclear policy in Japan, to the Trump legacy in the US. In Britain, we badly need an end to illusions. The danger is that we choose instead to retreat into them. ENDS
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This may be partly why there's such anger at those who foreground imperial history: they puncture the comfortable bubble of forgetfulness in which so much of empire has been encased.
"Nostalgia" and "amnesia" are not, of course, mutually exclusive. Nostalgia actively requires the forgetting of difficult histories. But we need more attention to what Stuart Hall called "the plug-holes down which so many troubling things about ... colonialism have disappeared".
This has never been true (think Callaghan, Major, Brown, May, Johnson...) Its logic - that the mandate belongs to the PM, & that MPs alone have no right to remove it - would disable the core principle of a parliamentary constitution: that a PM must have the confidence of Parlt.
What Rees-Mogg is arguing for isn't just a presidential premiership. It's an unconstrained premiership, shorn of one of the few safeguards against the abuse of prime ministerial power.
Hence also his desire to shut Parlt down in 2019 (when the PM had no electoral mandate at all)
If Rees-Mogg wants a presidency, he should think through the implications: direct elections, with candidates from outside the Big Two; legally defined limits to presidential power (replacing the constraining role of Parlt); & a separately-elected legislature, with its own leaders
In 2019 I wrote a piece for the @NewStatesman on "The Closing of the Conservative Mind". I argued that Conservatism had become intellectually rudderless & incapable of serious thinking about policy. Johnson's rise was a symptom of that crisis, & it will survive his fall. [THREAD]
2. Johnson's lack of direction is not a glitch in his politics. It's intrinsic to them.
Policy decisions are about choice. But Johnson is a "cakeist": he's never believed choice is necessary. You can cut taxes AND boost spending. You can have a hard Brexit AND frictionless trade
3.This is where Johnson's "boosterism" differs from, say, "Thatcherism".
Thatcherism (love it or hate it) was a serious policy programme. "Boosterism" is a state of mind:a vague call to "believe in Britain".
It's politics as faith-healing, driven by the power of personal belief
I fear that 2022 may be the year when a section of the Tory party turns decisively against Net Zero. It's a rallying cry that can speak both to the tax-cutting, libertarian wing of the party and to culture warriors looking for a new front against "experts", "elites" and "wokery".
Tory hostility to Net Zero has been constrained thus far by loyalty to Johnson, but that's fading. As the cost of living rises, the temptation will grow to blame "elitist" and "left-wing" environmental policies (not Brexit or NI rises) for driving up costs for "ordinary people".
There is already a "Net Zero Scrutiny Group" in Parliament, staffed by ERG veterans, while campaign groups on social media consistently cast Net Zero as an elite project that should be halted by a referendum.
Can the UK survive the rise of "muscular Unionism"?
Excellent piece by @ciaranmartinoxf on the danger to the Union from a tone-deaf, "know-your-place" British nationalism, keen to reorder the Union "on the terms of an English majority in a unitary state". journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.11…
"Muscular Unionism" is intolerant of anything that limits the power of the governing party in London. In that respect, it's part of the "executive power project": a way of thinking that rejects the democratic legitimacy of any counterweight to the majority party at Westminster.
This is especially problematic when the "Westminster Model" allows a single party to rack up huge majorities in Parliament, with only a handful of seats outside England. Westminster elections are increasingly contests between English parties for Eng votes