The NYT editorial board thinks “America Has a Free Speech Problem” – and presents a purely mythical idea of what “free speech” is, an a-historical tale of the country’s past, and a narrative that is detached from the current reality of the political conflict.
Some thoughts: 1/
First of all, the editorial perpetuates a misleading myth of what “free speech” is. They initially define it as the right of the people “to speak their minds and voice their opinions in public without fear of being shamed or shunned.” Such a right has never existed anywhere. 2/
Deep into the piece, the editorial board acknowledges that this is actually not what “free speech” means, and that the Constitution defines it, in their words, as “freedom from government restrictions on expression.” 3/
But the editorial board simply pivots away from that acknowledgment with a strikingly nonchalant “Yet…” – choosing to frame the issue along the lines of what they say is a “popular conception” of free speech: that anyone can say whatever they want and never face consequences. 4/
But this has obviously never been the case anywhere in the world. Public speech is always regulated, there are always boundaries to what is considered acceptable and what is not. And everyone agrees that certain transgressions should be met with shaming or shunning. 5/
The problem with the “cancel culture” discourse is that it ignores and obscures the fact that there are always norms of what is and what is not acceptable as public speech, and that it has traditionally been the prerogative of elite white men to determine those boundaries. 6/
And the “cancel culture” discourse deliberately obscures the fact that the amount of pushback as well as the level of sanctions one has to expect for deviating depends on who does the deviating – with the results always being worse for traditionally marginalized groups. 7/
The next problem with the editorial is that it’s completely a-historical. It presents a narrative of decline: “something has been lost,” it says – but when, exactly, was that golden age of free speech when all Americans were free to speak their minds at all times? 8/
Unless we are talking about white Christian men only, it makes absolutely no sense to construct a version of U.S. history in which the past was characterized by free speech for all Americans, in which the very recent past has been marked by a loss of free speech. 9/
It is true that white elite men face a little more scrutiny today than in the past. This has caused quite a bit of anxiety, which is what is really animating much of the “cancel culture” moral panic. That seems to be the overriding perspective of the editorial board. 10/
Finally, the “free speech” crisis presented in this editorial is utterly detached from the reality of the current political conflict. This not only obscures the actual struggle, but privileges a reactionary political project that is all about restricting speech. 11/
In the concrete reality of American life, we are experiencing a struggle between two competing narratives about what the actual threat to civil rights and civic freedoms is: the rightwing assault on multiracial, pluralistic democracy - or illiberal leftwing cancel culture. 12/
These two narratives are not equally plausible. The evidence for a rightwing assault on democracy, an all-out campaign to roll back civil rights on the state level is overwhelming – it comes in the form of hundreds of Republican bills and actual legislation, day after day. 13/
What about leftwing “cancel culture” though? I implore you to watch this fantastic video by @RottenInDenmark, a thorough debunking of the idea of widespread “cancellations,” based on an actual assessment of the available empirical evidence: 14/
Crucially, the editorial itself is proof of this, uhm, imbalance of empirical evidence – it cites the state-level Republican assault and never comes up with anything from the “Left” that would be remotely equivalent. But that has no influence on how the problem is framed. 15/
In fact, the editorial actively obscures the threat from the Right, assuring us that, unlike in Russia, actual government censorship is “not the kind of threat to freedom of expression that Americans face.” Then what are all these state-level GOP education bills about? 16/
The education sector does come up – in what is a really stunning inversion of the political reality. First, an elderly man from San Antonio is cited who is “alarmed by scenes of parents being silenced at school board meetings” – he means *conservative* parents. 17/
Then, an elderly woman is given room to describe her dismay at “woke” college kids “doing us so much harm” on the campus. Ah yes, as Republicans are literally installing an authoritarian white nationalist education system, these are the voices that need to be elevated… 18/
In the specific context of America’s current political and cultural conflict, emphasizing the “cancel culture” narrative in this way has a clear political valence and purpose: to delegitimize the claims of traditionally marginalized groups for equal rights and respect. 19/
So, why this editorial? As I outlined in the thread below, the “cancel culture” narrative not only benefits from the reactionary centrist ideological inclinations of white elites, but also from mainstream journalism’s eternal quest for “neutrality” and “balanced” coverage: 20/
Unfortunately, this editorial matters. People don’t shrug this off as “Just one editorial” – they read it as “the NYT says…” And with that, the idea that America is facing a free speech crisis, that cancel culture is real, and that *both sides* are at fault becomes dogma. /end
Addendum: I’ll be on @1a tomorrow at 10am to discuss my critique of the NYT editorial board’s idea that we’re experiencing a “free speech crisis” and why we need to pay attention to the reactionary political project that has co-opted the “cancel culture” discourse. @NPR
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
I wrote a long profile of him: He’s one of the architects of Project 2025, an avowed Christian nationalist, and a radical ideologue of the “post-constitutional” Right
Vought is at war with pluralistic democracy (link below):
🧵
Vought will be singularly focused on bending the entire government machine to Trump’s will. He believes that any check on the power of Donald Trump, who Vought literally describes as a “gift of God,” is illegitimate. There is no line he doesn’t feel justified to cross.
Key to understanding Vought’s worldview is the idea that the constitutional order - and with it the “natural” order itself - has been destroyed: The revolution has already happened, “the Left” won. Therefore, conservatives err when they try to preserve what is no more.
Russell Vought will be a key figure in the regime, as competent as he is radical. He’s one of the architects of Project 2025, an avowed Christian nationalist, an ideologue of the “post-constitutional” Right.
Key to Vought’s worldview is the idea that the constitutional order - and with it the “natural” order itself - has been destroyed: The revolution has already happened, “the Left” won. Therefore, conservatives categorically err when they try to preserve what is no more.
Power now lies with a “permanent ruling class” of leftist elites who control all major institutions of life and especially the “woke and weaponized” agencies of the state. In order to defeat them, conservatives must become “radical constitutionalists” - and take radical action.
Lots of talk about the OMB because of the utterly illegal funding freeze it issued.
A reminder that Russell Vought, the guy Trump wants to lead the agency, seeks to “traumatize” civil servants, use the military to suppress protests, and sees Trump as an agent of God’s will. 🧵
Vought will be singularly focused on bending the entire government machine to Trump’s will. He steadfastly believes that any check on the president’s power – on the power of Donald Trump, specifically, who Vought literally describes as a “gift of God” – is illegitimate.
Vought may look like a boring bureaucrat. But he is a committed ideologue, convinced to be fighting a noble war to defend his “real America” of white Christian patriarchal rule, where people like him get to dominate the public square and define who belongs.
Been asked so many times: “What do you think will happen?”
We will know a lot more soon. But I do think it’s helpful to clarify expectations. The baseline, for me: Being lawless does not make Trump omnipotent. Yet the situation is significantly more dangerous than in 2017.
🧵1/
We must resist the temptation to perpetuate Trump’s constant attempts to assert dominance by reflexively despairing over our supposedly hopeless situation. MAGA desires to project power and strength – something we should subvert rather than confirm. 2/
Being lawless does not make Trump omnipotent, and obscuring that distinction is an act of defeatism that only serves the regime. There is a vast gulf between Trump’s authoritarian aspirations on the one hand and the realities of a complex modern state and society on the other. 3/
Sunday reading: Three questions to help us engage Trump’s dangerous outlandishness.
We need to resist the temptation to constantly rage against Trump’s latest antics – while making sure the buffoonery of Trumpism doesn’t obscure how dangerous the situation is (link in bio):
Let’s avoid self-defeating approaches to dealing with Trump. Not much separates raging at his every word from despairing over our supposedly hopeless situation. MAGA desires to project strength – something we should subvert rather than confirm. Let’s not indulge the false bravado
Being lawless does not make Trump omnipotent – and obscuring that distinction is an act of defeatism that only serves the regime. There is a vast gulf between Trump’s authoritarian aspirations on the one hand and the realities of a complex modern state and society on the other.
Navigating the Nonsense and Propaganda of Clownish Authoritarianism
Ignoring what Trump says won’t work. Constant outrage is not a viable strategy either. I suggest we ask three questions that can help us engage Trump’s dangerous outlandishness.
New piece (link in bio):
🧵1/
I wrote about a key challenge of life under clownish authoritarianism: Resisting the temptation to constantly rage against Trump’s latest antics – while making sure the silliness and buffoonery of Trumpism doesn’t obscure how extreme and dangerous the situation is. 2/
Is the “savvy” thing to just ignore his outlandish ramblings? It’s not so easy. The president’s words have power. Let’s not pretend we can neatly separate the “distractions” from “real” politics, as our political reality that has been shaped by Trumpian extremism. 3/