Apparently the New York Times issued a new social media policy today. Unfortunately, it doesn't do what every major newsroom ought to, which is tell employees they have to get the hell off Twitter: washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/…
Yes, I understand the irony of a journalist on Twitter saying that journalists should get off Twitter.
It's a collective action problem; I can't solve it myself.
So let me list all the ways that Twitter is bad for journalism.
1) To a first approximation, Twitter produces no traffic. Facebook, yes, though less. Search, yes. Email, yes. But an article can go viral on Twitter and produce like six hits. It's all just people retweeting stuff they haven't read.
2) Nonetheless, Twitter *feels* like it is producing a lot of attention to your work. So journalists tell themselves that they have to spend all day on Twitter to promote their work, even though this doesn't, you know, actually result in anyone reading the work
3) Why does it feel like Twitter is generating a lot of engagement? Because all the journalists are on it, and journalism-adjacent folks like political staffers and think tankers. So Twitter encourages journalists to focus on performing for other journalists.
4) This leads to a lot of groupthink and tunnel vision, where all anyone is talking or thinking about is the exact same thing all the other journalists are talking and thinking about.
5) Like a lot of social media--and texting & IM--Tweeting occurs in a strange liminal space between oral and written culture. The short format encourages people to treat it like they're chit-chatting with friends (an illusion encouraged by the fact that all their friends are on!)
5a) People say a lot of stuff that is totally fine and appropriate in the context of chatting with their friends, like hyperbolic ranting ("People who drive the speed limit in the left lane should be *shot*) or mean-girl gossip (OMG WHAT is wrong with Jodi Ernst's HAIR?)
5b) Only it's written, so it doesn't stay local and in context. Out of that context, it looks somewhere between unprofessional and psychopathic, damaging you and your colleagues, and forcing your institution to either defend the undefensible, or discipline you.
6) Unless you are always uber-careful getting on Twitter is like playing Russian roulette. Most days, nothing happens, but ...
7) And the more important Twitter is to you--the more you feel Twitter freedom is a must-have in your job description--the harder it will probably be to always, ALWAYS exercise the level of restraint necessary to protect yourself and your institution.
8) Of course, Twitter's defenders would argue there are offsetting benefits. And sure. But what are they?
a) You get news really fast on Twitter. I'm all for this. I'm not against journalists reading Twitter, I'm against them Tweeting.
b) It helps journalists build their brand.
9) But the brand-building often comes at the expense of the institution. Journalists get to hone their reputation as a truth-telling edgelord while the parent company gets to deal with the irate subscribers. I get what's in that for the journalists, but not the institution.
10) The disclaimers in the Twitter bio are useless. If you publish your 5,000 word manifesto, "In Defense of Genocide", explaining that your opinions are not shared by your employer will not stop subscribers from demanding to know why they're employing a genocidaire.
11) Twitter is also, of course, used by employees to organize against their employer, and also against fellow employees. This is utterly toxic for institutions: it makes the institution look weak and indecisive, impairing its reputation capital, and it destroys collegiality
12) Again, it's obvious why the employees who engage in these attacks like Twitter, but the institution should protect itself by cutting off this line of attack.
13) In short, Twitter is not a good way to promote the institutional work; it is a good way for journalists to spend all day performing for each other, at the expense of the institution that pays their checks, and also at the expense of the institution of journalism.
14) It has been incredibly damaging for internal conversations to become external. In addition to the problems I've already listed, it has confirmed the worst suspicions conservatives have about the bias of "mainstream" journalists.
15) In fact that "confirmation" is illusory, because the average journalist is not nearly as far left as you'd think if you just sampled what the average journalist on Twitter says. But for some reason, when I tell people that, they prefer to believe their lying eyes.
16) Which brings me to possibly the worst problem with Twitter: it's a sort of optical illusion which makes journalists think a bunch of things that just ain't so. It hacks our evolutionary filters, distorting a small number of folks lazily hitting "retweet" into a major movement
17) Also, it's incredibly addictive, wasting huge amounts of journalist time in exchange for distorting our thinking, harming our reputation, fracturing our attention span, and undercutting our institution and our profession.
Twitter's a lot of fun, but it's not worth all that.
18) However, as I said up top, it's a collective action problem; as long as the other journalists are on, every journalist will also want to be on, and few will have the willpower to go cold turkey. Which is why I am begging purveyors of journalism to make the decision for us.
19) And I am making this plea on Twitter (irony of ironies) because that is where all the journalists are.
Thanks for reading, here's the column. I predict you will not click through and read it, but am hoping you will surprise me. washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/…
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I think this is bad, but also think it's a sign of something I thought a lot about after 1/6: it's really important for elites to uphold election norms precisely because normies won't. They'll be happy to indulge in election denial if the political elite goes along.
Democratic norms aren't a bedrock fact of democracy. They're a truce between opposing groups of political elites. Which is why it is in fact extremely important to have elites who are committed to those norms, and will swiftly crush even minor violations.
The biggest example is obviously Donald Trump. But Democratic elites dabbled too, with their little games about election certification, and their humoring of Stacy Abrams, and their looking the other way when Clinton said he wasn't a legitimate president.
If you are making fun of how terrible all the food was in the 1950s, some things to keep in mind 🧵:
1) Many of the worst recipes are from cookbooks created to promote various foodstuffs, and probably no one except the poor domestic scientist who created them ever made them.
2) Most jello salad isn't as bad as you think.
3) People were much, much poorer--1950s housewives also preferred steak to spam, but their budget didn't.
4) Chicken and eggs used to be more expensive than beef, not a cheap weeknight staple.
5) For 6-9 months of the year, in most of the country, fresh produce other than hardy lettuces like iceberg and storeables like carrots, onions, potatoes, and apples, were unavailable at any reasonable price.
I think the way to square this circle is to think of this not as a matter of people rejecting the moral values you care about, but as emphasizing different values that you both care about.
Abortion is a good example of this; people tend to think of others as not caring about [the life of the baby/the autonomy of the mother] but in fact most people care about both. They're just choosing which they care about more.
I consider Trump's character disqualifying. But my friends who are voting for Trump don't like his character. Rather, they care about other stuff--sometimes abortion, but lots of other stuff like abuse of left-wing institutional power.
So I wrote a column on my Dad's last year, and the brutal math of caring for the elderly.
The column is here. I wrote it because many folks assume that we could save $$$$ by using home care to keep folks out of nursing homes, which is not really true. washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/…
That assumption is natural enough, because nursing homes are really, really expensive--my Dad's semi-private room (a curtained alcove with a shared bathroom) cost $16,500 a month.
The problem is that by the time you're disabled enough to need a nursing home, you tend to require 24 hour assistance.
I don't know all the reasons for the Secret Service failures in Butler. But having written a book about failure (she said, demurely pointing to the link: ) I'm pretty sure that one problem was that ... it had been a long time since anything went wrong.amazon.com/Up-Side-Down-F…
Everything the secret service does is a tradeoff: between false positives and false negatives; between safety, and the cost that must be imposed on everyone else to make incremental safety gains; between ensuring nothing bad happens and ensuring that *nothing* happens.
If you shoot everyone who looks suspicious you make protectees safer, but kill more innocent people. If you have a massive security perimeter, it will be massively expensive and massively inconvenient. If you lock down protectees, they will be safer, but less effective
Since the debate, people outside of Washington have been asking me the same question over and over: how did the media miss the Biden story?
So I asked a bunch of savvy political reporters that question, and wrote a column on it
I know, conservatives, you think you know the answer: Democratic journalists were covering for a Democratic president. But that's not quite right, as I wrote in my column:
There was no conspiracy. There were a lot of tiny decisions about what to cover today, who to trust, and how blunt to be that collectively added up to a giant mistake that left our readers in the dark.