Circling back to Russia's problem with manpower availability and the question of mobilization. Its unclear how they can sustain the war without making difficult political choices (and even with). However, general mobilization is the wrong issue to focus on. Thread. 1/
First, I'll briefly restate the Russian manpower problem. After taking significant losses in the first phase of the war, the Russian military has scrounged the active force for reinforcements, and is largely tapped out in terms of manpower availability. 2/
The reason for this is that the Russian military operates on tiered readiness, with units at 90-70% manning levels. Many towards that 70% mark. In the event of a large war the military assumed manning levels would be raised & conscripts could be deployed. 3/
The force could produce on short notice 2x BTGs from brigades and regiments, the rest was a conscript mix, and units were not fully manned. The available standing force has already been deployed into this war with a number of BTGs out of action due to casualties. 4/
However, without declaring a state of war, or conducting partial mobilization the force is still operating at peacetime strength. Below is one estimate of how a hypothetical brigade with 3,500 personnel may have only a fraction actually available for deployment. 5/
Those figures are in some ways optimistic. They don't account for the likelihood that there could be a significant delta between actual readiness levels relative to those being reported, and the real situation within Russian BTGs. More on that subject soon with @RALee85. 6/
While its true that general mobilization won't solve Russia's woes in this conflict, and that in practice it may not even be feasible, the Russian military does not need general mobilization to sustain combat operations, and address its immediate manpower shortage. 7/
I've also been guilty of using the term mobilization as a catchall term for Russian efforts to raise manning levels behind the scenes and prevent soldiers from leaving the force at a time when they are desperately short on available manpower. 8/
The first issue is the status of Putin's 'special operation.' Russia has to either declare a state of war, or procedurally change the rules prohibiting deployment of conscripts, and the state's ability to mobilize additional personnel. 9/
As it stands, contract servicemen can try to break their contracts & refuse to deploy. Conscripts are being drafted and demobilized on schedule, and units technically can't deploy them even though some cheated early in the war and sent mixed conscript formations. 10/
The fastest way for Putin to alter these constraints is also politically the most unpalatable: declare a state of war. It's clear that for a host of reasons this is something he doesn't want to do. However, the Russian military effort is also unsustainable as is. 11/
The current Russian approach appears to be halfway measures to muddle through. The Russian military has been trying to raise manning levels behind the scenes by offer short term contracts, a few months as opposed to years, and high payouts up to 200-220k RUB per month. 12/
Other steps include enticing reservists to accept contracts, and pressuring conscripts into changing their status, converting them to contract service so that they can be deployed. All of that will get harder as word of casualties and the state of things on the front spreads. 13/
If we consider those who were recently demobilized or just got out of several years contract service, Russia could potentially have access to a significant amount of additional manpower. Right now about 130k+ conscripts with 1 year of service are being demobilized. 14/
I'm skeptical of arguments that these are untrained, or inherently poor quality. It depends. Skills are perishable, but the pool with recent mil experience & training is far from small. The amount of refresh training it will take for it to be useful is worth debating. 15/
If we consider just manpower requirements to replace losses and allow troop rotation to sustain the war then the Russian military does not need hundreds of thousands of troops. This assumes limited war aims, and a lower loss rate than the first month of the war. 16/
Generating additional battalions will take time and probably wont prove relevant to the offensive in the Donbas, but my point here is that there are things the Russian leadership could try in between ordering general mobilization and doing nothing. 17/
There's a lot we don't know about the Russian capacity to train and take in additional personnel right now. How many units pulled in officers/contract servicemen need for training to fill out their BTGs and replace losses. Its probably a very uneven situation. 18/
Changing the rules governing force employment and piecemeal efforts to raise manning could extend Russian ability to sustain this conflict. Personally, I think this will only kick the can down the road for Moscow, delaying difficult political decisions. 19/
The notion of mass mobilization strikes me as a distracting conversation. Russia does not have a system to take in, train, and successfully employ a mass mobilized force. However, it is also unnecessary. The question is to what extent can they piecemeal raise manning. 20/
It is quite possible that eventually Moscow will be forced to conduct what constitutes a partial mobilization, whether declared or undeclared. Taken together with changes to laws/regulations, this could provide enough manpower over time to drag the war out. 21/
On equipment. Without getting into speculation on what is usable in Russian warehouses, it merits mentioning that several standing Russian formations still have equipment for conscript battalions, and gear intended to be staffed by increased manning i.e. partial mobilization. 22/
All in all, I don't see general mobilization as technically feasible or likely, hence I suggested this would not be declared on May 9th. A combination of halfway measures won't dramatically change Russian fortunes either, but they could significantly extend the war. 23/
As it stands, Russian options are shrinking. The more they drag their feet the further their ability to sustain the war deteriorates, and the worse their subsequent options.

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More from @KofmanMichael

May 6
Circling back to the Moskva. Without getting into the speculation of how the Moskva was targeted, I recommend this piece by Sam LaGrone. Specifically, comments by Carlson on the possible status of radar and air defense missile systems. news.usni.org/2022/05/05/war…
This piece raises good questions on whether those systems were active, and if the Moskva was able to detect/engage incoming missiles. The ship was old, in need of modernization, and its fate subject to debate back in 2016. Worth considering system readiness and crew competence.
One thing folks may not appreciate is how the old the Moskva was. Launched 1979, commissioned 1983. Even though if memory serves this hull spent several years out of water, the ship overall had a lot of mileage on it in terms of deployments.
Read 6 tweets
Apr 23
I’ve been traveling and not writing much these past two weeks. Some brief thoughts about the second phase of the war, Russia’s offensive to retake the Donbas, and implications. Thread. (map from Nathan below). 1/ Image
Without national mobilization, I think the Donbas is the last major offensive the Russian military can attempt given the current state & availability of forces. Whether it succeeds, or fails, the Russian military will be largely exhausted in terms of offensive potential. 2/
The Russian attack thus far seems to be an advance on Slovyansk from Izyum, pressing the Severodonetsk salient, and pushing southwest from Izyum (west of Kramatorsk) to attempt a partial envelopment of UKR positions in the northern part of the Donbas. 3/
Read 19 tweets
Apr 3
Follow up thread on Russian force availability and long-term prospects. The Russian military has taken significant casualties. After redeploying, and pulling additional units from standing formations, it may be tapped out of available forces, for now. Thread 1/
If the Russian leadership wants to continue this war it has to make a significant political choice. They cannot sustain a long war against Ukraine as a special operation, and they don’t want to reframe it as a war. This has implications for force availability. 2/
Moscow is trying to fight a war with the largest country in Europe without declaring a state of war at home. Ukraine has fully mobilized, and has extensive Western support. Russia may technically have more manpower and materiel on paper, but it is politically inaccessible. 3/
Read 24 tweets
Apr 2
Thoughts on the current state of the war. First half of the thread is a bit of a catchup for me, having not posted anything last weekend, and then the rest on where things might be heading & what to look for in the coming weeks. Thread. (map below from Nathan) 1/
From the outset the Russian campaign suffered from a diffusion of effort, driven by unachievable (in my view) political objectives. Instead of a center of gravity the Russian effort had numerous competing objectives & 4 military districts executing with poor coordination. 2/
Russian forces ran out of momentum and became combat ineffective on most fronts 3-4 weeks into the war. UKR forces have counter attacked, and made sustained gains for over a week now. 3/
Read 19 tweets
Apr 1
I'm going to re-up this earlier thread. I've seen a few articles lately criticizing how and why analytical communities overestimated the Russian military. Some are fair, but others don't seem especially constructive. /1
There's fair criticism to be had of how we overestimated the Russian military and underestimated the Ukrainian military. I've often said excel spreadsheets don't fight. Force employment, strategy, morale, ability to scale complex operations, etc. prove essential factors. /2
I think many analysts were less categorical and more thoughtful about contingency - that this would be a difficult war for Russia. Some Russian shortcomings were well known. Though the general consensus was that Russia had qualitative & quantitative superiority. /3
Read 5 tweets
Mar 25
Interesting statements in this piece. I may have confirmation bias here based on earlier predictions, but suggests Russian focus will be the JFO in the Donbas & taking as much of the Donbas as possible. rbc.ru/politics/25/03…
I had a hypothesis that the more minimal aims Moscow could have at this point is to try to take all of the Donbas, pursue some political settlement, then turn around and claim that's what this operation was really all about in an effort to salvage something & declare victory.
I would add if they take Mariupol they can also claim to have achieved 'denazification,' since this is the base of Azov - often trotted out as proof of nazi influence etc. At least one can imagine how this story might be spun into a success narrative for domestic audiences.
Read 4 tweets

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