1: Good piece on competition in Central Asia with quotes from a #CarnegieAsia scholar and external author. My two cents: If the US wants to compete, it had best treat countries as subjects of their own stories, not objects of America's own competition with another external power.
2: Central Asian elites are nobody's fools about Chinese power. But they aren't naive about American power either. And with Taliban victory, much of what's happening in the region has, frankly, been de-Americanized and is instead being regionalized. They, not we, drive the play.
3: And their objectives include straightforward ones: employment, growth, development, increased bargaining power with external sources of pressure, more options, more value-added left in the region. US hectoring about China can be an abstraction; nobody is ostriching or naive.
4: If I were back in the USG, I'd be highly focused on that - the region is moving on from America in a number of notable ways. So how do you leverage uniquely American strengths to help them meet those threshold goals? Mundane example: STEM education and innovation initiatives.
5: China used to build infrastructure, extract commodities, and promote transit routes from Asia to Europe. But why should Central Asians just want to collect transit fees and wave at passing trains? They need value-added, upskilling, employment. China is making that transition.
6: This good article from @Navbahor quotes @nivayau, who was in fact the co-author of a terrific @CarnegieEndow paper on this very topic. It's a gradual shift but China's offering to Central Asia is actually evolving. It is not 2010 anymore. Read here: carnegieendowment.org/2021/10/15/how…
7: So it sure grabs my attention when a Secretary of State shows up in the region and elects not to emphasize American initiatives but mostly just to trash talk the Chinese competition. This is an error the US has made elsewhere in Asia too. Why is that a problem? Here's why:
8: It turns upside down a famous aphorism attributed to my former boss Richard Armitage. Instead of “getting China right by getting Asia right,” as Rich liked to put it, we instead make relationships and policies in Asia derivative of our approach to China. Bad move because ...
9: ... that signals to Central Asian and other Asian capitals that they are of zero interest to the United States on their own terms because Washington basically has no dedicated agenda for the region apart from enlisting them as proxies in our strategic competition with Beijing.
10: So as I've argued for something like 15 years, we end up falling short because the countries themselves think we're basically long on attitude but short on strategy. And the bar is higher now because we're out of Afghanistan and the region is moving on, just as we mostly are.
11: And it's better when designing policy not to compare American apples to Chinese oranges, anyway. America isn’t China. For instance, it doesn’t have state-backed firms that it can leverage through billions channeled through state-backed policy banks.
12: So there you go, Washington: leverage uniquely American strengths—technology, innovation ecosystems, STEM education, connections to the global capital markets, best in class services and other firms ... And it's best to treat countries you're wooing as subjects, not objects.
13: And by the way, at @CarnegieEndow we're launching a #CarnegieAsia initiative on Continental Asia to complement our extensive work on Maritime Asia. In a more "regionalized" region, local powers and players bulk larger than ever. We're going to go hard at what that means.
1: A quick thread on China's policy evolution, tactical positioning, and strategic choices in the face of the Russian invasion and the dramatic events now unfolding in Ukraine. Beijing will not want Washington to frame its alternatives and choices but balance its own interests.
2: Not suprisiungly, in my view, the Chinese will be selfish about their own interests. They are in a difficult spot because they are attempting (both rhetorically and substantively) to balance three goals that, quite simply, *cannot* be reconciled ...
3: ... (1) a strategic relationship with Russia; (2) commitment to longstanding foreign policy principles around “noninterference,” and (3) a desire to minimize collateral damage to Chinese interests from economic turmoil and potential secondary sanctions from the US and EU.
1/5: For those of you speculating about what the Chinese will now say about Donetsk/Luhansk, you might look at what China said in 2008 about Abkhazia and South Ossetia. For example: fmprc.gov.cn/ce/ceit/ita/fy…
2: Her paper closely examines Chinese investment and loan activities in Argentina’s solar and wind power sectors. An adaptive partnership has evolved among key actors and institutions, strengthening alignment between Argentina's own development objectives and Chinese investments.
3: She also explores how Argentinian players can better assess and classify whether putative Chinese projects actually support Argentina’s economic growth and sustainable development needs, especially through technology transfers and/or joint development of energy technologies.
1: I’m absolutely thrilled to launch my new volume with colleague @MikeNelson—“The Korean Way With Data: How the World’s Most Wired Country is Forging a Third Way.” It’s part of our big buildout underway at @CarnegieEndow on technology futures in Asia: carnegieendowment.org/2021/08/17/kor…
2: I’m deeply grateful to @KoreaFoundation for its support of the project, and to our fabulous Korean colleagues: Jang GyeHyun, Lim Jong-in, So Jeong Kim, Nohyoung Park, Sunha Bae, and Kyung Sin “KS” Park. @KoreaFoundUSA.
3. Many argue that the world is fracturing into two spheres—either a Sinocentric or US-centric order. As we move into the next phase of the digital transformation, what was once viewed as a commercial and technological competition is now framed as an existential geopolitical one.
1: China-funded railway projects in the Brazilian Amazon met a thicket of local resistance. In the Ferrogrão, Chinese and Brazilian players adapted. This terrific new paper in our @CarnegieEndow#ChinaLocalGlobal project explores these adaptive dynamics: carnegieendowment.org/2021/08/04/wha…
2: The authors, @AAbdenur, @mafolly and @msantoro1978, show learning on both sides in the mitigation and management of socio-environmental risks around Chinese investments in Brazil's transportation infrastructure. They explore ongoing negotiations, plans, and controversies.
3: This paper is the latest in our seven-region #ChinaLocalGlobal initiative, which explores how China extends its influence by working through local actors and institutions while adapting and assimilating local and traditional forms, norms, and practices.
1: Thread: Many argue that China exports its developmental model and imposes it on other countries. But Chinese players also extend their influence by working through local actors and institutions while adapting and assimilating local and traditional forms, norms, and practices.
2: With the generous support of @FordFoundation@CarnegieEndow is developing an innovative body of research on Chinese engagement in seven regions of the world—Africa, Central Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and North Africa, the Pacific, South Asia, and Southeast Asia.
3: The initiative, #ChinaLocalGlobal, involves a mix of textured country-specific and multi-country regional research, cross-regional comparative work, and (as COVID fades) some strategic convening. carnegieendowment.org/specialproject…