This is a crucial observation – and it points to a problematic distortion in the broader political discourse: White people parading guns are automatically coded as “regular folks,” or “real Americans” in the parlance of the Right, while their socio-economic status is ignored.
In addition to the fact that the GOP is all in on the culture of gun-toting militancy, that’s another reason why Republican politicians have their families pose with whole arsenals of firearms: They want to signal how very much in touch they are with “real America.”
Contrast this with, for instance, the fact that Kamala Harris was widely derided on the Right for her “elitism” last November when she had the audacity to buy some French cookware:
This wasn’t just a predictable bad-faith attack from the rightwing outrage machine (although it certainly was that too): It was also well in line with the established parameters of who gets derided as “arrogant elite” and who gets celebrated as “regular folks.”
It is indeed a striking feature of the American political discourse: In determining whether or not something counts as extravagant or aloof, the socio-economic dimension is almost entirely ignored - all that counts are the cultural sensibilities of conservative white people.
Parading expensive tactical gear and weaponry in public? Must be “regular folks” demonstrating their love of freedom and frustration with the liberal elite-run Big Government infringing on their right to be left alone.
When people can afford to invest in a collection of kevlar vests and all sorts of weaponry, this is seldom discussed as the extravagant lifestyle of white conservatives (as opposed to, say, liberal elites indulging in “luxury items” like e-bikes).
In that way, the conventions of political terminology are often entirely in line with the self-description of white conservatives - not coincidentally creating and perpetuating the idea of “regular folks” as a clearly racialized category of specific political valence.
These conventions perpetuate the pervasive assumption of a white “normal” that still governs the American political and cultural discourse. Concepts like “working class,” or “parents,” or “Christians” often come with a silent “white.”
It’s obvious in the use of the term “working class,” for instance. Here is a particularly striking example, from one of the leading post-/anti-liberal intellectuals: “working class” is just white people with certain reactionary sensibilities; “everyone” is just whites.
The most ridiculous example of this is the attempt by Republicans to present themselves as the party of the working class. That’s entirely detached from the socio-economic reality of U.S. society – unless, of course, you’re talking about white conservative America only.
But it’s not just conservatives doing it. In the collective white imaginary, the socio-economic dimension is almost entirely ignored - the term “working class” just refers to a type of professional occupation in combination with reactionary cultural sensibilities of white people.
Here, for instance, is sociologist James Davison Hunter in a PBS @NewsHour interview diagnosing a “class culture war”: The U.S. split into two camps, a progressive elite vs the conservative middle and working classes - which only makes sense if you imagine America as all white.
From this depiction, you would never understand why non-white working-class people or socially conservative Black people overwhelmingly align with those progressive “elites” and vote Democratic. Once again, the actual nature of the conflict is sanitized and obscured.
The - sometimes implicitly accepted, but more often specifically intended - effect of using the term “working class” in this way is to legitimize the actions of reactionary white people and insulate them from critique: they’re just “regular folks,” their gripes must be justified.
The hard-to-kill myth that it was “the working class” that lifted Trump into the White House has that exact effect: Just like that, supporting Trump has nothing to do with race, but is the manifestation of a legitimate gripe of those down there directed at the arrogant elite.
This, of course, has been one specific version of the American promise since before the country was even founded: A nation in which white Christians would get to define what counts as “American,” who does and who does not belong. It’s now the core promise of Republicanism.
Addendum: Count on Ted Cruz to deliver the most ridiculous version of current rightwing discourse. But he builds on ideas that shape the collective imaginary: People with reactionary sensibilities are to be regarded as “regular folks” and allowed to perform ritual anti-elitism.

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More from @tzimmer_history

May 28
This perfectly captures the state of the political discourse on the Right.

It’s a massive problem that much of the established media will keep pretending these are serious people because they feel the need to uphold the myth that there are two roughly equivalent sides/parties.
Since mainstream journalism is predicated on the idea that politics is a game between two teams that are essentially the same and journalists aspire to “neutrality,” which they define as equidistance from either side, whatever comes from the GOP has to be elevated to credibility.
Stating clearly what the Republican Party has become would run counter to mainstream journalism’s eternal quest for “neutrality” and “balanced” coverage, its overwhelming desire to signal “nonpartisanship.” And so the GOP continues to be covered as if it were a “normal” party.
Read 25 tweets
May 26
When I decided, about three years ago, to use Twitter to publicly engage with U.S. politics, I promised myself to stay clear of cynicism and defeatism, and that I wouldn’t let my general sense of despair overwhelm my commentary.

I find it so hard to keep that promise right now.
I was never of the belief that Biden becoming president proved that things were fine, that the system worked, that Trump was just an accident, an aberration. Things are obviously not fine, and I spend much of my time on here talking about and analyzing the reasons why.
Voting Trump out was never going to be enough. When Joe Biden took office, it was clear that unless the system was fundamentally democratized, we would soon reach the point where it would become impossible to stop America’s slide into authoritarianism through elections.
Read 25 tweets
May 24
Never forget: Much of this is the result of deliberate political choices and could be remedied by political action. There are people responsible for what we are putting our children through. As long as America is still a democracy, vote them out. It doesn’t have to be this way!
The problem, of course, is that America is, in fact, not a functioning democracy, but a system in which severe anti-majoritarian distortions and a deeply unhealthy political culture conspire to block even the most moderate legislation, even when it’s supported by most Americans.
It doesn’t have to be this way. It’s not like this anywhere else. American exceptionalism in its true form. And the party of Gov. Abbott will continue to embrace the gun cult, will only double down on the gun-toting militancy it has made a key element of its political identity.
Read 26 tweets
May 23
What pundits with big platforms should do, rather than naively taking allegations of “divisiveness” at face value, is to seriously investigate what the conservative vision of “unity” is and what exactly the policies and ideas are that the Right has always disavowed as “divisive.”
Why does Mounk, an ostensibly liberal pundit, feel the need to lend legitimacy to this bad-faith “party of division” nonsense that’s coming from an ignorant billionaire-turned-rightwing-culture warrior? Because that’s precisely his brand.
Mounk’s whole shtick is to start from an extremely superficial diagnosis of “polarization” and “division” and then, while occasionally paying lip service to the fact that the Right is worse, focus almost all his energies on blaming “the Left” for said problems.
Read 12 tweets
May 19
The End of Roe Is Just the Beginning
 
A multi-level reactionary counter-mobilization is underway. Conservatives are animated by a vision of 1950s-style white Christian patriarchal dominance. It is the only order they will accept for America.
 
My new column for @GuardianUS:
The impending end of Roe will not magically appease the Right. Attempts to institute a national ban are likely to follow. The people behind this anti-abortion rights crusade will tolerate the right to bodily autonomy in “blue” America for only as long as they absolutely have to.
And the conservative vision for the country goes well beyond outlawing abortion. In his opinion, Samuel Alito rejects the legal underpinnings of many of the post-1960s civil rights extensions that were predicated on a specific interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Read 35 tweets
May 18
This is guaranteed to sound crazy alarmist to anyone not following the situation closely, even though it’s just a factually accurate description of the situation: The next presidential election - and by extension the medium-term fate of democracy - might be decided right here.
It’s generally not a good sign when every attempt to convey accurately what is at stake necessarily sounds like apocalypticism to people who haven’t been following politics closely. But that’s where we are, and that’s what the state of American democracy is: hanging by a thread.
Precisely. The key problem is not that he won’t accept the result of the last election, but that he’s at the forefront of an all-out assault on the election system, fully committed to making sure that the next time Republicans try to nullify a Democratic win, they will succeed.
Read 4 tweets

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