DOJ says decision to treat Meadows and Scavino differently from Navarro and Bannon for contempt of Congress is based on “facts and circumstances.” What facts and circumstances could make a difference when flouting a subpoena? Here are some possibilities … nytimes.com/2022/06/03/us/…
1. Unlike Bannon and Navarro, who refused to engage with the Jan 6 Committee at all, Meadows made some effort to comply with his subpoena, producing documents and emails before abruptly stopping. Meh.
2. Second, proving contempt requires showing not just failure to comply with a subpoena, but also willfulness. That means the defendant must KNOW his conduct is illegal. Here, the two sets of men have different situations regarding privilege.
3. Bannon and Navarro’s privilege claims are laughable. Bannon was not even in exec branch at the time. Navarro has already waived any privilege claim by telling his story in a book & media interviews. For some reason, he keeps confessing to @AriMelber.
4. On the other hand, Meadows & Scavino, as Chief of Staff & Deputy, were Trump’s closest advisors. Even if they were wrong about executive privilege, it will be hard to prove to a unanimous jury beyond a reasonable doubt that they KNEW they were wrong. (Though not impossible.)
5. Also, a 1984 DOJ Office of Legal Counsel opinion says executive branch officials who rely on executive privilege should not be charged with contempt of Congress. The goal is to protect and encourage candid communications between a POTUS and advisers.
6. Ironic that Meadows and Scavino benefit from a policy designed to protect the institution of the presidency when they appear to have been scheming to destroy that very institution. But these decisions take the long view. Assuming, of course, the institution continues to exist.
7. There may also be strategic reasons for the different decisions. Criminal charges are used when you believe compliance is not possible or desirable. Bannon and Navarro are such loose cannons that they would make poor witnesses anyway. DOJ is done with them.
8. Criminal prosecution is about holding people accountable for breaking the rules. DOJ seeks to punish Bannon and Navarro to make examples of them to deter others in the future.
9. But if instead you want to induce testimony, it’s better not to use criminal charges. Negotiation and civil lawsuits can be more effective for this purpose. A judge in a civil case can jail a defendant until he testifies. Meadows and Scavino may be in this camp.
10. In addition, DOJ policy says criminal charges should not be filed if there is an adequate alternative remedy. Meadows has a pending civil suit challenging the subpoena that will resolve soon. That case could result in a court order to comply with the subpoena.
11. There may also be strategic reasons to decline charges against Meadows and Scavino. They may be cooperating with DOJ. Seems unlikely in light of their public statements but people often talk tough before personal consequences help them see the light. See Michael Cohen.
12. It may also be that DOJ considers Meadows and Scavino not as witnesses but as targets in a conspiracy to defraud the United States in the lawful transition of presidential power.
13. Charging them now could complicate that conspiracy investigation, in part, because Sixth Amendment rights would attach. Among other things, DOJ could not use informants against them. Eyes on the prize.
14. As unsatisfying as this decision is, I remain confident that DOJ is not simply shrinking from its duty. I hope that Garland’s abundance of caution will make the charges all the more credible if and when they come.
15. There are many reasons to proceed cautiously when investigating a case as serious as Jan 6. But it’s also important to hold accountable anyone who may have conspired to take down our democracy. I take Garland at his word when he says he will pursue anyone “at any level.”
16. In the end, there is no way charge a former president cautiously. At some point, Garland will be asked to be bold. Let’s hope he is up to the challenge.
Also, the world has changed since Garland was last at DOJ. Increased scrutiny means the public expects more explanation than in the past when people simply trusted public officials to do their jobs. Explaining decisions as much as possible is important to public confidence.
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While voters have many reasons for their choices, and I respect their right to make them and accept the outcome of the election, so much of what I hear from Trump supporters is that “the left” looks down on them.
🧵1 / 4
This is an us-vs-them narrative spun by Trump, who has convinced some voters that he is the proxy for their grievances. He tells voters, “they” are not after me, they are after you. I’m just standing in the way to protect you. 2/4
In fact, Democrats support unions, higher minimum wages, middle class tax cuts, and other policies for working people. GOP policies will only widen income disparities. 3/4
As jury selection begins in Donald Trump’s Manhattan criminal trial, here are some things to keep in mind.
🧵 /1
First, it is called jury selection, but it really should be called jury “de-selection.” That’s because potential jurors are called to the box randomly, and then questioned by the court and lawyers. The lawyers challenge jurors they find unsuitable. If the judge agrees, he will excuse them. /2
Second, lawyers get an unlimited number of challenges for cause, meaning an objective basis to believe a juror has a bias, such as relationships with the parties or a stake in the outcome. /3
I’ve been receiving some questions about why it matters whether Judge Cannon decides all issues under the Presidential Records Act BEFORE trial. /1
Judge Cannon recently denied Donald Trump‘s motion to dismiss the Mar-a-Lago indictment on the grounds that the Presidential Records Act (PRA) precludes charges under the Espionage Act, which makes it a crime to willfully retain national defense information. /2
That order was good news for the prosecution, but Judge Cannon said she was basing her decision solely on the “four corners of the indictment,” and that Trump could still raise the PRA as a defense at trial. 😱/3
Here’s a thread on the public’s right to a speedy trial, which explains why the Supreme Court has set an expedited schedule and will work to decide the immunity question promptly in the federal election interference case against Donald Trump. /1
The right to a speedy trial is not just the defendant’s right. The PUBLIC’S right to a speedy trial has been recognized by the Supreme Court and the federal Speedy Trial Act, 18 USC 3161(h)(7)(A). /2
In Barker v. Wingo, a case interpreting the 6th Amendment, the Court wrote that “there is a societal interest in providing a speedy trial which exists separate from, and, at times, in opposition to the interests of the accused.” /3
First Amendment provides no protection for speech that amounts to crimes of deceipt, receipt, conspiracy. Non-starter. /2
Due process clause provides fair notice of criminal conduct. Trump argues he received no fair notice because no one has ever been charged with this scheme before. No one has ever committed this scheme before! /3
Trump’s new motions to dismiss on First Amendment, selective prosecution, and double jeopardy grounds are all losers. THREAD. 1 washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
The First Amendment is not absolute. Many crimes that involve speech are crimes — perjury, fraud, and conspiracy to name a few.
Selective prosecution requires a showing of disparate treatment for the similarly situated. No one has tried to subvert an election the way Trump is accused of doing. No comparables. No defense.