1. The government has *not* “boosted legal aid funding by £135 million”.
This is a lie. It has not increased legal aid funding by a penny. To the contrary, last year it *reduced* legal aid payments by £240 million.
2. There was an enormous and *growing* backlog long before Covid.
We warned about this at the time.
The backlog was caused by government cuts. Covid simply made things worse.
It is dishonest to pretend that the sole cause was Covid.
3. It is false that criminal barristers “will earn £7,000 extra per year”. This is a figure plucked out of the air by the Ministry of Justice to divert from the savage cuts that are driving junior criminal barristers out of the profession.
Don’t let them lie to you.
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As people have asked (and you only have yourselves to blame)…
1. The precise charge isn’t reported, which is a huge error for reasons we’ll get to. But in any event, whatever the charge, there is no criminal offence in existence that carries a maximum sentence of 15 years.
2. “Prosecutors decided to pursue him on the lightest possible charge”. That charge is not specified. Presumably that means he was charged with possession of a controlled drug of Class B, rather than possession with intent to supply or production/cultivation of cannabis. But…
3. …if he was indeed charged with simple possession of cannabis, the Sentencing Guideline provides a starting point of a fine, and a range as low as a discharge (no action taken). So this doesn’t square with a community order being “the lowest possible sentence”.
This lecture explores the cinematic classic 'My Cousin Vinny' through the lens of English and Welsh law.
Contributions and observations are welcome, but I'm perfectly prepared to tweet the entire film to a wall of embarrassed silence.
This paper considers, inter alia, how the irrepressible journey of Vincent LaGuardia Gambini might have been different had he been practising English law and subject to the jurisdiction of the Bar Council of England and Wales.
Now, the eagle eyed among you may notice as the film unfolds, this documentary is based in America (USA). I, by contrast, am *not* based in America (USA). And I know very little about law or criminal procedure in Alabama, New York or anywhere else of relevance to this exercise.
I see that a famously apolitical barrister is once again offering his neutral expert view on criminal law - which just so happens (as always) to exonerate the government - while omitting to mention that he is a Conservative counsellor and does not specialise in criminal law.
Councillor. COUNCILLOR.
I’m an idiot.
The entire premise of the article is based on a misunderstanding of criminal law. Again. (We saw this when the same writer attempted to offer expertise on the Colston 4, to disastrous effect).
“Disruptive action” actually means “barristers declining to continue to work for free to plug the gaps in the criminal justice system that I and my political colleagues have defunded to the point of collapse”.
“Disruptive action” means exercising our right, as self-employed individuals, to decline to cover other people’s cases when chaotic court listing makes it impossible for barristers to attend hearings.
The system runs on our goodwill.
Politicians have exploited it for too long.
The criminal courts were in chaos long before Covid, as detailed in my first book published in 2018.
Since then, @jcartlidgemp and co have further slashed funding to criminal justice, sending delays and case backlogs soaring.
As for “patience” - the government promised to “review” criminal legal aid after their most recent round of savage cuts in 2018.
They have done nothing.
Meanwhile solicitors firms are closing and junior barristers are working for below minimum wage.
We have been patient.
The independent review that has finally, belatedly been published, makes clear that as a bare minimum, £35m must be *immediately* invested to stop the criminal Bar from collapsing.
For context, the government saved £240m in legal aid last year by not paying us for work done.