I’m not saying there’s going to be a special military operation this weekend in Washington. But guys, there’s gonna be a special military operation this weekend in Washington.
Will it be on Friday?
On Saturday?
Sunday?
Or will it compete with the fireworks on July 4?
Will it be at the embassy?
Will it be at the Russian embassy cultural center?
Will it be at the ambassador’s residence?
Will it be somewhere else?
The BAP will debut.
Assuming tests are successful, @AndreaChalupa and I will schedule a screening of #MrJones in the weeks to come.
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I am tired of hearing people complain that @judgeluttig’s testimony was not better television. His actions during the transition were consistently admirable, his speaking out since a model of citizenship. It was deeply important that he appeared and said the things he said.
It is important that conservative thought leaders model what it looks like to act on the basis of principle—and that they show their work when they do so. Every time someone does it, it gives someone else the courage to do it. Courage and integrity are contagious.
Two years ago, I received three DHS I&A reports on my activity and that of @ByMikeBaker. The existence of these documents had earlier been disclosed by @shaneharris in the @washingtonpost. Here are the documents as I received them:
Through subsequent FOIA litigation, I have now gotten the reports formally released by DHS itself. Here those docs are. As you can see, the substance of the reports, including my and Baker's names and tweets that drove the reports, are wholly redacted. documentcloud.org/documents/2205…
I call bullshit on this, @DHSgov@SecMayorkas. This was improper intelligence reporting by the prior administration. Even the prior administration acknowledged it was improper.
Why is the Biden administration now covering it up?
I had an interesting, if brief, conversation yesterday with an international relations scholar more sympathetic than I am to the notion that the United States should be pressuring Ukraine to accept territorial losses and not poking the nuclear bear by giving Ukraine a blank check
The conversation forced me to articulate to myself my own views of the limits of the US role in supporting Ukraine. Having done so, let me lay them out. I have seven points.
First, the structure of nuclear deterrence in the US-Russia relationship is very clear. It has been very stable over a long time. And its parameters are well understood. While the risks of escalation are real, I think people are overestimating those risks relative to the risks of