@judgeluttig Profile picture
Jul 2 13 tweets 6 min read
The argument from the constitutional text of the Elections Clause (Article I, Section 4, Clause 1) that the North Carolina Supreme Court properly interpreted the United States Constitution
in its decision in Moore v. Harper rejecting the state General Assembly’s congressional map is as follows
-- whether or not the Supreme Court of the United States ultimately embraces the “independent state legislature” theory of constitutional interpretation.
The Elections Clause of the Constitution provides that, “[t]he Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections . . . shall be prescribed in each State . . . by the Legislature thereof.”
Where, as in North Carolina, the legislature has “prescribed” the “Manner” in which the federal congressional “Elections” shall be “held” to include judicial review of the legislature’s own elections and congressional districting decisions,
“the Legislature [has] prescribed the Manner of holding Elections” to incorporate judicial review of the legislature’s elections and congressional districting decisions -- within both the letter and intendment of the Constitution.
Any eventual conclusion by the Supreme Court of the United States otherwise
would entail an unconstitutional commandeering of the powers “reserved to the States respectively, or to the people” by the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution.
Interpreting either the Elections Clause of Article I or the Electors Clause of Article 2 to authorize such commandeering
would offend not only the fundamental structural command of the Tenth Amendment, but also the essential design of the Constitution of the United States.

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More from @judgeluttig

Jun 18

Thank you so much for this thread, Mr. Hagan, @joehagansays. You almost presciently understood precisely what I was at least attempting to do to the best of my abilities during the hearing Thursday.
What you could not know, and did not know, but I will tell you now, is that I believed I had an obligation to the Select Committee and to the country, first to formulate . . . then to measure . . . and then . . . to meter out . . .
every . . . single . . . word . . . that I spoke . . . , carefully . . . exactingly . . . and . . . deliberately, so that the words I spoke were pristine clear and would be heard, and therefore understood, as such.
Read 19 tweets
Sep 22, 2021
I was honored to advise Vice President Pence that he had no choice on January 6, 2021, but to accept and count the Electoral College votes as they had been cast and properly certified by the states.
I believe(d) that Professor Eastman was incorrect at every turn of the analysis in his January 2 memorandum, beginning with his claim that there were legitimate, competing slates of electors presented from seven states;
continuing to his conclusion that the VP could unilaterally decide not to count the votes from the seven states from which competing slates were allegedly presented;
Read 9 tweets
Apr 30, 2021
Sitting U.S. Senator @SenTedCruz owes the Coca-Cola Company, and Chairman and CEO James Quincey, a public apology for, and a retraction of, his corrupt pledge on his behalf
and purportedly on behalf of all of his Republican colleagues, that they will get political revenge against Coca-Cola for Mr. Quincey's entirely legitimate and innocuous comments opposing selected provisions of Georgia's new voting legislation,
by influencing the pending litigation between Coca-Cola and the IRS.
Read 9 tweets
Jan 11, 2021
A president cannot be impeached after he leaves office. Therefore, were the House of Representatives to impeach the President before he leaves office, the Senate of the United States could not thereafter convict the former President and disqualify him from future public office.
The former President would no longer be incumbent in the Office of the President at the time of the Senate proceeding and would therefore no longer be subject to "impeachment conviction" by the Senate, under the Constitution's Impeachment Clauses.
This is to say that the Senate's power under the Constitution is only to convict (or not) an incumbent president.
Read 7 tweets
Jan 5, 2021
The only responsibility and power of the Vice President under the Constitution is to faithfully count the electoral college votes as they have been cast.
The Constitution does not empower the Vice President to alter in any way the votes that have been cast, either by rejecting certain of them or otherwise.
How the Vice President discharges this constitutional obligation is not a question of his loyalty to the President any more than it would be a test of a President's loyalty to his Vice President
Read 7 tweets
Dec 20, 2020
The President-elect has yet to name arguably his most important Cabinet Member, his Attorney General. There is no one more qualified to be AG and, in particular the AG for incoming President Joseph Biden, than Larry Tribe.
Tribe towers above the other candidates the President-elect is reportedly considering. A giant in the law, and recognized as such by all, Tribe is singularly qualified for this important position. He would be an inspired choice.
It is often mistakenly thought the AG should have prosecutorial experience. But among the last things the next AG needs is prosecutorial experience. The Deputy Attorney General can always satisfy any need for prosecutorial experience that an AG lacks, and often he does.
Read 10 tweets

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