I read with much interest comments made by @Sasha_Etkind on my article "From Pushkin to Putin" published by @ForeignPolicy. I reply here on the key points, first on substance, and then of some curious details 1/
Mr Etkind writes about "some sad mistakes" in my text. Mostly what he means by "mistakes" are actually my reading of the Russian litterature that he disagrees with) i found only one factual mistake - but he has made one too. But that's in the end of this thread 2/
First on substance: 1. Etkind writes that Pushkin and Lermontov "were exiled... because of their participation in protest actions". I know that. But the problem is why Russian "liberals" exiled for their "protests", at a certain moment reproduce imperial discourse? 3/
Ukrainian poet Shevchenko experienced much more horrible punishment, but was not broken and never accepted the imperial narrative. So what's wrong with those Russian classics? That's a question which we can also ask today 4/
2. Etkind quotes Spivak saying that in most imperial literature "the subaltern cannot speak”. And, f.e., in Lermontov's Mtsyri, the subaltern speaks with "a powerful voice". Good, but my question is different: WHAT is he saying, and HOW? 5/
And here's my point: even when RU literature accepts the voice of the "subalterns", it imposes on them the discourse of epitaphy. It says: your history is in the past, and cannot be returned. The struggle is over. 6/
the empire says to the colonized: you might have a voice, but you don't have a future. Your voice can be only that of nostalgia. That's the message of Mtsyri, of Poltava, and even of Taras Bulba. That's my point in the article. Etkind pretends he didn't notice it 7/
3. On Lermontov's Ulansha. I refer to this poem not in the context of the Caucasus, but in the context of the relation to women. I know this is not about Caucasus. I contrast Lermontov's soldier / raper perspective with Shevchenko's women / victim perspective. 8/
This is where colonialism perspective runs together with feminist perspective, which Ukrainian scholars and writers (Solomiya Pavlychko, Oksana Zabuzhko and others) showed many years ago. Both are the questions of power and violence, and which perspective a writer takes 9/
Yes, there is one mistake in my text: Kavkazets is not a poem, but a prose text. Sometimes you make these mistakes - esp. now, when you're living amidst the horrible war, writing articles amid air alerts and working/volunteering without rest. Sorry 10/
But Etkind also makes a "sad mistake" - in.. my name!) Actually 3 mistakes (!). I am not "Volodimir Yarmolenko", I am "Volodymyr Yermolenko". In the last name is actually a different letter in cyrillics, Є, not Я. Etkind repeats this misspelling several times)) 11/
that's an interesting thing) As if he doesn't care whom he replies to. Although the right spelling of a name of an article is... so easy. -- So I guess Mr Etkind would certainly need a "fact-checker" not @ForeignPolicy )) 12/
on his book: unfortunately, i haven't read his book Colonization: Russia’s Imperial Experience. If i did, i would certainly refer to it in my text. Etkind claims that i took smth from his book - he's wrong. Our readings are very different 13/
I did read his other books, Eros nevozmozhogo and Khlyst, which i consider to be very good, by the way 14/
conclusion: you might be a great expert in Russian literature (which Etkind is) but you might still be somewhat blind towards the perspective of colonized / victims. I think it's time to give voice to them. And not claim (quite arrogantly) that they need "fact-checking" 15/

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More from @yermolenko_v

Jun 2
some thoughts on Russian culture and the debate around it. And why i think that we won't understand Russian aggressive stance towards democracy and the West without analyzing some deep topics in the Russian literature and intellectual history. A thread 1/6
I think Russian culture should be approached in the same critical manner as Western academics approach Western culture. Pushkin and Dostoyevsky should be approached in the same critical way as Flaubert or Kipling etc. 2/6
if you cross this mental barrier, you suddenly realize that "great Russian culture" has no less (or even more) imperialism than any other culture backing an empire. Suddenly you realise how imperialistic is Pushkin's "Poltava" and how xenophobic is Dostoyevsky's messianism 3/6
Read 6 tweets
May 26
I hear many comparisons of this war with the World War I. The key point: "Russia should not be humiliated as Germany was after the WWI. Otherwise there will be arise of extremism in Russia like Nazism after WWI". -- This analogy is wrong. In this thead i argue why 1/8
What WWI was for Germany, Cold war was for Russia. What Weimarer Republik was for Germany, Yeltsin's 1990s were for RU. Same attempt to build democracy, same economic disapointment. Difference: Russia was not "humiliated" as Germany, and kept control of the post-Soviet empire 2/8
Disapointment in democracy and capitalism led to nazism in Germany; same disapointment led to putinism in Russia. Huge anti-liberal feeling, "Sonderweg", state-controlled ideology, extreme nationalism, attitude to neighbouring nations as "untermenschen" etc. 3/8
Read 8 tweets
May 20
a brief explainer about the Ukrainian national movement through centuries. And why it is wrong to identify it with cliches like "far-right", "nationalism" etc. A thread, 10 tweets
Ukrainian national movement since the 19th century was ideologically diverse, as many others. Sometimes left-wing, sometimes right-wing, sometimes liberal, sometimes more democratic, sometimes less democratic. 1/10
Take late 19th-early 20th century. At that time, Ukrainian national movement fought for two goals: social emancipation (peasants and working class) and national emancipation. In many aspects it was leftist. It often thought national emancipation in social terms 2/10
Read 11 tweets
May 3
sometimes I hear an argument that "it's the West's fault" because NATO has enlarged despite Russia's objections. This is a remarkable Russia's hypocricy. NATO enlarged in 1990s and 2000s, but ALL "post-Soviet" space (except for Baltics) was LEFT for Russia's influence. 1/5
Soviet Union hasn't collapsed in 1991, it continued to exist in a different form. Economy, politics, information space, cultural space, security: everything in the "post-Soviet" countries was controlled by Russia. 2/5
The West DIDN'T ENTER Eastern Europe economically and politically as it did with Visegrad countries or the Baltics. There was a silent consent that all "post-Soviet" countries were left for Russia. This is one of the roots of Ukrainian "oligarchy" or Belarusian dictatorship 3/5
Read 5 tweets
May 3
a short thread on how Russian imperialism is overlooked by the global anti-imperialist scholarship. And why it is bad and dishonest. 1/6
20th century anti-imperialist thinkers like Edward Said and others did a good job in introducing critical approach to the Western colonialism. Its problem, however, is that by denouncing "West-centered" approach, it introduced another "West-centered" approach 2/6
Western 19th-20th century imperialism was saying that the West is the only good; today's anti-imperialist thinking is saying that the West is the only evil. It argues that this colonialism had monopoly on "good", now it has a monopoly on evil. "West-centrism", upside down. 3/6
Read 6 tweets
Apr 27
this is not a simple genocide. This is REPEATED genocide. Two, three, dozen times in history. Here, on Ukrainian lands. Why? Because it was never properly condemned. Not punished. "Never again" was not applied to THIS evil. Its roots are in Stalin, Lenin, Russian empire 1/5
Not punished, not condemned, not repented, it is saying "we can repeat" instead of "never again". And they can. Look at language they use. "Expropriation of surplus of harvest" from Kherson farmers. This is similar to Stalin's "requisitions" of food that caused Holodomor 2/5
Z is for Zlo, evil. Z means Zombie Zlo. A repeating evil. An evil coming back again and again. A vicious circle of evil. 3/5
Read 5 tweets

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