Just accepted @EvolHumBehav: @HSB_Lab & I argue for social diversity during the Late Pleistocene w/ bigger groups, more hierarchy, etc. Preprint & summary in this older 🧵, so I’ll focus on how our argument differs from @DavidWengrow's #TheDawnOfEverything
Like @DavidGraeber & @DavidWengrow, we argue that the classic story (small, mobile, egalitarian bands before agriculture) needs a facelift. We point to some similar evidence (e.g., social flexibility & diversity among Holocene hunter-gatherers). Yet there are 4 major differences:
(1) We draw on (& embrace) behavioral ecology, which analyzes behavior using an evolutionary & ecological lens. In contrast to G&W, we argue that ecology shapes societies, w/ dense, reliable (esp. aquatic) resources more often sustaining larger, sedentary, stratified groups.
This is corroborated by comparative studies. See the plot (left) by Marlowe (2005): Across 340 forager societies, more fish means fewer moves/year. Or look at Codding & Smith (2020) (right): Across 89 Pacific Coast foragers, more aquatic resources predicts more hierarchy.
(2) We dwell on Africa. There are few direct signs of social diversity in Africa during the Late Pleistocene (~130k-12k yrs ago). So we turn to ecology. We synthesize research showing that ppl subsisted on resources (esp. coastal) that tend to sustain big groups, hierarchy, etc.
In fact, I'd argue it's hard to reconstruct Pleistocene societies w/o turning to diet & ecology. The basic problem is inferring past societies using recent analogues—yet how do we know which analogues to use? Behavioral ecology provides an empirically-informed framework.
(3) We argue there are implications for our evolved psychology. We conclude that human minds are not exclusively adapted for living in small, mobile, egalitarian bands. Rather, our psychology is much more flexible, equipped to traverse a much broader set of social circumstances.
Admittedly, G&W don't seem interested in implications for evolutionary understandings of behavior. Given how much the 'nomadic-egalitarian model' has impacted evolutionary anthro & evolutionary psych, however, we think that there's a lot of room for reconsideration here.
(4) G&W conclude that most of human history was characterized by 3 freedoms: freedom to move, freedom to disobey, & freedom to reconfigure social relationships. Presumably, these freedoms have largely disappeared. But there's little we've come across to suggest this narrative.
If anything, I wonder whether the story about the three freedoms replaces one 'noble savage' myth (nomadic-egalitarian) with another (über-free). But I look forward to empirical research that more systematically evaluates the claim.
Differences aside, our aims are similar: using archaeology + ethnography to question common assumptions about deep history & build better models. And regardless, G&W are forcing social scientists to contend w/ social diversity & flexibility in a way few big-picture thinkers have.
In 1966, Marshall Sahlins famously claimed that hunter-gatherers work 15-20 hours a week, which he took as evidence of an “original affluent society”. People (like @SebastianJunger@ThatChrisRyan) still cite this statistic. Yet it’s built on shoddy data & interpretation. [thread]
Sahlins relied mostly on data from two populations: Aboriginal Australians & the Kalahari !Kung.
Let’s start with the Australian data. They were collected in 1948 & covered 4 groups in Arnhem Land, each of which was observed for just 4 to 11 days.
The Australians were hardly “hunter-gatherers”. Most lived partly off rice, flour, & sugar from mission stations. In fact, 9 adults were picked up from the mission & had to be persuaded to participate; after 5 days, they threatened to leave the study to buy flour & rice.
Many people claim that indigenous psychedelic use consists of shamans giving plants to patients for mental healing. Yet for the last month, @sdpnayak & I have been visiting communities in the NW Amazon & have encountered a very different use: knowledge cultivation by non-shamans.
We visited 3 communities: the Piaroa, Jiw, & Eastern Tukano. All of them use the psychedelic snuff yopo, which contains bufotenin (found in certain toads), DMT, & 5-MeO-DMT, often taking it with caapi/yagé (contains MAOIs). This picture shows yopo snuff w/ a bird-bone inhaler.
Spend time in a community & you quickly realize the popular story is wrong. Patients rarely take yopo. Rather, shamans use it to learn the cause of an illness & how to treat it. (Still, healing ceremonies may have similar effects as psychedelic therapy—a subject for another day.)
Government departments (like @USDA & @DHSCgovuk) frequently publish dietary guidelines. But looking at hunter-gatherers & forager-farmers, I'm struck by how many violate Western guidelines yet have healthier hearts & much less chronic illness.
Here are 3 well-studied examples:
1. Kitavans of Trobriand Islands (Papua New Guinea)
In 1990, Staffan Lindeberg spent several months w/ the Kitavans, observing their diet, physical activity, & daily habits. He also measured a slew of health & physiological variable for ~170 adults.
Lindeberg found that 70% of the Kitavan's calories came from carbs (e.g., fruits, yams, sweet potato, taro) & ~17% from saturated fat (coconut oil), both in excess of @USDA guidelines. Yet he observed no diabetes & "cardiovascular disease was virtually nonexistent”.
In the 1970s & 80s, anthropologists working in small-scale, non-industrial societies fastidiously noted down what people were doing throughout the day. I’ve been exploring the data & am struck by one of the most popular activities: doing nothing. [thread]
Background: The anthropologists (e.g., Bob Bailey, pictured) visited random people during waking hours & recorded what they were doing, building a representative sample of time use. Most of these data were collected while an anthropologist lived with the community for a year+.
The researchers typically chose among ~60 activity codes, one of which was "Idle, doing nothing". This is different from napping, chatting, fixing tools, tidying up, & idleness b/c of illness. As far as I can tell, it's really about doing nothing at all, at least apparently.
Our understanding of ancient religion is shaped hugely by the mythology ancient elites preserved in texts, tombs, & temples. Yet commoner religion was often very different from the official religion. Take, for instance, Bes, the stocky, ancient Egyptian household god:
Bes was unlike other Egyptian deities. Part-lion & part-human, he was squat, rotund, & bow-legged. While Egyptian gods were normally shown in profile, Bes appeared in full-frontal portrait, often with his genitals dangling.
Bes was foremost a household protector deity, especially of women, children, & childbirth. He was thought to bring good luck and fight off snakes & evil spirits. As a deity of commoners, he appeared all over Egyptian households, on objects ranging from beds to spoon handles.
Today, prisons dominate criminal justice systems, partly because they're seen as more humane than earlier punishments. Yet after doing some reading, I'm struck that many peoples have known about prisons yet rejected them because they seemed brutal & dehumanizing. [thread]
Leading Romans, especially in the 2nd & 3rd centuries AD, saw imprisonment as inhumane. The emperor Antoninus (86-161 AD) said the “penalty can be scarcely imposed [even] on a person of servile condition.” Hadrian (117-138 AD) forbade life imprisonment by provincial governors.
The influential Roman jurist Ulpian (3rd century AD) wrote that governors who keep men "in prisons or in chains...ought not do to this, for punishments of this type are forbidden. Prison indeed ought to be employed for confining men, not for punishing them."