Orin Kerr Profile picture
Aug 14, 2022 20 tweets 6 min read Read on X
Some are arguing, as does @AndrewCMcCarthy below, that the warrant used to search Mar-A-Lago was a general warrant that violates the 4th Amendment.

I think this is incorrect. Here's a thread that explains my view, looking at the relevant caselaw.

🧵
First, some background. The Fourth Amendment requires that warrants must have a particular description of the evidence or contraband that the government has probable cause to seize. This is part of what is called the particularity requirement. Image
The idea is that government searches and seizures have to be limited, and warrants can't be "general." The government can only look for items that they have probable cause to seize, and the warrant only authorizes the seizure of what the government had probable cause to seize.
The claim that the Mar-A-Lago warrant is an unlawful general warrant focuses on a specific phrase in the description of items to be seized.

I understand the disputed language to be in Part C, okaying seizure of "any government . . . Records" during the Trump Administration. Image
"Any government . . . records" is really broad, the argument runs. I mean, 99.9% of "government . . . records" are totally innocuous—not evidence of any crime at all.

Focusing on that phrase, the warrant is general, and therefore violates the Constitution of the United States.
I think this argument is wrong, though. Here's why.

In cases involving searches for documents, it's the norm for the government not to know the exact form of every document they're looking for. Documents are often described by a combination of their content and their form.
So the warrant will describe the category of information that the documents relate to (such as some topic, or evidence of some particular crime), as well as examples of the form they'll take (like the type of document itself).
In Andresen v. Maryland, 427 U.S. 463 (1976), the Supreme Court indicated that these should be construed together. That is, the form of the document named should be read as limited by the category of information.
scholar.google.com/scholar_case?c…
In Andresen, the government was searching for docs about a fraudulent real estate transaction. The description of items to be seized added a general phrase in the list of forms: "together with other fruits, instrumentalities and evidence of crime at this [time] unknown." Image
The Supreme Court ruled that the warrant was particular because you had to read that general phrase in the list of items as to form as implicitly limited by the earlier language as to substance -- that is, about the suspected real estate transaction. Image
Following Andresen, it's not uncommon for a warrant seeking documents to first list the category of information (often, evidence of particular crimes of which there is probable cause) together with a list of the form in which that info might appear.
Under Andresen, the form list is read as implicitly limited by, and read in conjunction with, the preceding description of the substance. The form list limits the category of documents, making it more particular, rather than expands it, making it less particular.
Under Andresen, I think that's how a court would construe the warrant. A list of the crimes sought is usually enough to make a warrant particular. But the Trump warrant goes on to be more particular by listing specific types of documents—to be read in conjunction with the crimes.
Therefore, limiting the scope of the search by naming a particular form the records might take -- in part C, Trump-era government documents -- would not make the warrant general.
An example of this from a similar warrant is US v. Manafort, 314 F. Supp.3d 258 (D.D.C. 2018).

Yes, that's Paul Manafort, DJT's former campaign manager.

Here's the description of the things to be seized used to search his home:

casetext.com/case/united-st… Image
Manafort made the same basic argument McCarthy is making. "Any and all financial records" is super-broad, Manafort argued. And all computers is super broad, too. That makes the warrant an unlawful general warrant, he argued. Image
The court disagreed, relying on Andresen, construing the form in which the evidence appeared (as financial records, inside computers, etc.) as limited by the preceding description of the the crimes for which there was probable cause to find evidence. ImageImage
Seems to me that Trump's warrant is similar to Manafort's warrant -- just substitute "government . . records" during the DJT administration in the Mar-A-Lago warrant for "financial records" in the search of Manafort's house. Similarly constitutional, I think.
To be clear, this doesn't rule out every possible Fourth Amendment challenge to the warrant. When more facts become known, we will have more basis to know if there are any constitutional issues about the warrant.
Based on what we know at this point, though, the claim being made that the "government . . . records" clause violates the Fourth Amendment seems inconsistent with the cases.

(There's also the remedies question, but this thread is long enough....)

/end

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More from @OrinKerr

Dec 1
This isn't my area, so maybe this is wrong, but it does seem to me that the unitary executive theory of control over prosecutions and the executive pardon power are something of an odd combination.

Quick thread.
As I understand the history, at common law, prosecutions ordinarily were brought by private parties. A private victim would prosecute the criminal, sort of like a tort action except with the possibility of being hung if the defendant is convicted.
In that world, an executive pardon power made a lot of sense. Private parties would seek punishments when justice didn't require it, so someone was needed to be a check on the system of private prosecution.
Read 7 tweets
Sep 14
Debates about when originalism first became a theory of constitutional interpretation are interesting to me in part because, in Fourth Amendment law, originalism has pretty much *always* been considered a critical method—if not the main method—of interpretation.
Take the first main Supreme Court case on Fourth Amendment law, Boyd v. United States (1886). It's all about how to apply the principles of the 18th century cases, like Entick v. Carrington (1765), that inspired the 4A's enactment. tile.loc.gov/storage-servic…Image
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Or take Carroll v. United States (1925), introducing the automobile exception. It's all very explicitly originalist: "The Fourth Amendment is to be construed in the light of what was deemed an unreasonable search and seizure when it was adopted"
tile.loc.gov/storage-servic…Image
Read 13 tweets
May 29
Several notable 4th Amendment rulings in this 5th Circuit opinion today. Most importantly: People have a reasonable expectation of privacy in stored online contents—here, the contents of a Dropbox account. (Per Oldham, J., w/Richman & Ramirez)

🧵

#N storage.courtlistener.com/pdf/2025/05/28…Image
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Plaintiffs, Heidi Group, is a pro-life group that briefly had a contract with the Texas state government. A former employee named Morgan went to state investigators and said she had access to Heidi Group's documents b/c she was still given access to their Dropbox account.
A state investigator, Dacus, encourages Morgan to look through Heidi Group's files for evidence what Heidi Group did when it was a state contractor. Morgan does. Heidi Group realizes someone is accessing its files, eventually sues state officials for violating its 4A rights.
Read 13 tweets
Apr 22
The lawyers representing Harvard are (in addition to being excellent lawyers) notable for their conservative connections.

Quick thread. Image
First off, the conservative/GOP bona fides of Bill Burck and Robert Hur have been covered elsewhere.
telegraph.co.uk/us/news/2025/0…
But as @WilliamBaude notes, Lehotsky Keller Cohn is on the brief, with name partners Steve Lehotsky (Scalia clerk, former Bush-era OLC); Scott Keller (former Texas SG, Ted Cruz Chief of Staff, Kennedy clerk), and Jonathan Cohn (Thomas clerk).
Read 6 tweets
Mar 26
DC Circuit denies the motion for an emergency stay in the Boasberg case 2-1, with a brief order and 92 pages of concurrences (one by Henderson, one by Millett) and a dissent (Walker).

I'm going to scan through the opinions and select out key parts. 🧵

media.cadc.uscourts.gov/orders/docs/20…Image
I'm going to stick mostly with the merits issues.

1st up Henderson: The idea that the President's call is unreviewable is wrong. Image
"Questions of interpretation and constitutionality—the heartland of the judicial ken—are subject to judicial review." Image
Read 15 tweets
Feb 25
Magistrate judge in the 5th Circuit, asked to sign off on warrants for routine "tower dumps," declines to do, writing an opinion concluding that all tower dumps are likewise unconstitutional in light of the 5th Circuit's recent geofencing opinion. 🧵
#N storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.usco…Image
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Other courts have broadly ruled that tower dumps are not searches at all. I think this is wrong, as it's based on the erroneous mosaic theory. I explain why that's wrong in my new book. So I don't have a problem with the search holding, holding that a search will occur.
As for the idea that a warrant can't be used in this setting, I think it's bananas. But then it's based on the 5th Circuit's bananas geofence warrant ruling, so hey, if bananas is Fifth Circuit law, you're going to get a lot of bananas.
Read 5 tweets

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