Orin Kerr Profile picture
Aug 14, 2022 20 tweets 6 min read Read on X
Some are arguing, as does @AndrewCMcCarthy below, that the warrant used to search Mar-A-Lago was a general warrant that violates the 4th Amendment.

I think this is incorrect. Here's a thread that explains my view, looking at the relevant caselaw.

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First, some background. The Fourth Amendment requires that warrants must have a particular description of the evidence or contraband that the government has probable cause to seize. This is part of what is called the particularity requirement. Image
The idea is that government searches and seizures have to be limited, and warrants can't be "general." The government can only look for items that they have probable cause to seize, and the warrant only authorizes the seizure of what the government had probable cause to seize.
The claim that the Mar-A-Lago warrant is an unlawful general warrant focuses on a specific phrase in the description of items to be seized.

I understand the disputed language to be in Part C, okaying seizure of "any government . . . Records" during the Trump Administration. Image
"Any government . . . records" is really broad, the argument runs. I mean, 99.9% of "government . . . records" are totally innocuous—not evidence of any crime at all.

Focusing on that phrase, the warrant is general, and therefore violates the Constitution of the United States.
I think this argument is wrong, though. Here's why.

In cases involving searches for documents, it's the norm for the government not to know the exact form of every document they're looking for. Documents are often described by a combination of their content and their form.
So the warrant will describe the category of information that the documents relate to (such as some topic, or evidence of some particular crime), as well as examples of the form they'll take (like the type of document itself).
In Andresen v. Maryland, 427 U.S. 463 (1976), the Supreme Court indicated that these should be construed together. That is, the form of the document named should be read as limited by the category of information.
scholar.google.com/scholar_case?c…
In Andresen, the government was searching for docs about a fraudulent real estate transaction. The description of items to be seized added a general phrase in the list of forms: "together with other fruits, instrumentalities and evidence of crime at this [time] unknown." Image
The Supreme Court ruled that the warrant was particular because you had to read that general phrase in the list of items as to form as implicitly limited by the earlier language as to substance -- that is, about the suspected real estate transaction. Image
Following Andresen, it's not uncommon for a warrant seeking documents to first list the category of information (often, evidence of particular crimes of which there is probable cause) together with a list of the form in which that info might appear.
Under Andresen, the form list is read as implicitly limited by, and read in conjunction with, the preceding description of the substance. The form list limits the category of documents, making it more particular, rather than expands it, making it less particular.
Under Andresen, I think that's how a court would construe the warrant. A list of the crimes sought is usually enough to make a warrant particular. But the Trump warrant goes on to be more particular by listing specific types of documents—to be read in conjunction with the crimes.
Therefore, limiting the scope of the search by naming a particular form the records might take -- in part C, Trump-era government documents -- would not make the warrant general.
An example of this from a similar warrant is US v. Manafort, 314 F. Supp.3d 258 (D.D.C. 2018).

Yes, that's Paul Manafort, DJT's former campaign manager.

Here's the description of the things to be seized used to search his home:

casetext.com/case/united-st… Image
Manafort made the same basic argument McCarthy is making. "Any and all financial records" is super-broad, Manafort argued. And all computers is super broad, too. That makes the warrant an unlawful general warrant, he argued. Image
The court disagreed, relying on Andresen, construing the form in which the evidence appeared (as financial records, inside computers, etc.) as limited by the preceding description of the the crimes for which there was probable cause to find evidence. ImageImage
Seems to me that Trump's warrant is similar to Manafort's warrant -- just substitute "government . . records" during the DJT administration in the Mar-A-Lago warrant for "financial records" in the search of Manafort's house. Similarly constitutional, I think.
To be clear, this doesn't rule out every possible Fourth Amendment challenge to the warrant. When more facts become known, we will have more basis to know if there are any constitutional issues about the warrant.
Based on what we know at this point, though, the claim being made that the "government . . . records" clause violates the Fourth Amendment seems inconsistent with the cases.

(There's also the remedies question, but this thread is long enough....)

/end

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More from @OrinKerr

Apr 19
Among the new demands issued by student "Berkeley Law for Palestine" group after Chemerinsky/Fisk dinner: Correct Erwin Chemerinsky's understanding of the First Amendment. Image
Some UC Assistant General Counsel goes to library, gets First Amendment book for an expert's view... Image
Or perhaps instead looks for a law school course to study the matter more in depth this summer.....
law.berkeley.edu/php-programs/c…
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Read 6 tweets
Dec 13, 2023
NOTABLE: Google announces dramatic changes to its "location history" function that should nullify all geofence warrants going forward—and I wouldn't be surprised if that is the point. Code is law, as they say.
(h/t ) blog.google/products/maps/…
fourthamendment.com
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As I read this, Google will no longer keep geolocation data even for the subset of users that turn on location history. The data will only be stored locally. Geofence warrants are used when the govt has no suspects, to get some leads, so this will likely defeat the technique.
There's a very important surveillance story to be written on how Google came to this decision. I hope we'll get to read it, I'd be very interested to know.
Read 4 tweets
Aug 16, 2023
I'm reading the newly-released transcript of Twitter's proceedings before Judge Howell on Twitter's compliance with the warrant for Trump's account. Here are thoughts as I go.
dcd.uscourts.gov/sites/dcd/file…
First, this should be good. The lawyers are experienced lawyers from WilmerHale, and Judge Howell knows more about the Stored Communications Act than any other district judge. This is no one's first rodeo.
p. 6, Howell is starting off frustrated with Twitter. Image
Read 16 tweets
Aug 3, 2023
“A lot of times he’ll tell me that he lost, but he wants to keep fighting it, and he thinks that there might be enough to overturn the election." -- Mark Meadows on Trump, November 18, 2022, according Cassidy Hutchinson.
One interesting thing about the latest Trump indictment is that it doesn't detail reports that Trump admitted he lost, leading some to suggest that they have no such evidence. But it not being detailed doesn't mean it doesn't exist. cnn.com/2023/06/06/pol…
More. https://t.co/ZnFQ6huEGCnews.yahoo.com/trump-admitted…
Image
Read 5 tweets
Jul 26, 2023
Is access to Automated License Plate Reader info a 4th Amendment Search? Oral argument on this in US v. Mapson, 21-13668, see here, 2nd link.

A few thoughts on the argument.

ca11.uscourts.gov/oral-argument-…
Defendant's side, 1st 25 minutes, didn't have much 4A discussion. There are three co-defendants, and only the 2nd defendant is making the ALPR argument. And it's being made in a very tentative way.
At the argument, the defense counsel arguing the ALPR point conceded that a single ALPR reading would not be a search. When asked where the line was, he just said it should be a totality test. (Aside: This is what you say when you don't know; no one knows.)
Read 11 tweets
Jul 14, 2023
Yesterday, at the 8th Circuit judicial conference, Justice Kavanaugh gave a talk that included two interesting pieces of advice for Supreme Court advocates—one explicit, the other implicit. Tne talk isn't online, so I thought I would tweet about them. #appellatetwitter

🧵
First, he said that several Justices, himself included, believe that the two-minute uninterrupted opening time they now give advocates is a really critical time for advocates. You should use it well.
He suggested that Justices listen carefully to that opening, in part because they're listening for subtle ways that the argument may have changed between the written brief and the argument. They know arguments are mooted, and some ground may have shifted.
Read 7 tweets

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