Thomas Zimmer Profile picture
Aug 27, 2022 25 tweets 6 min read Read on X
This “argument” - basically: it can’t be fascism if it’s supported by more than just a few irrelevant fringe figures - is not only historically illiterate, but also indicative of how pervasive the dogma of white innocence is, how severely it distorts the discourse. Image
The dogma of white innocence holds that whatever the political choices and actions of white Americans, they can’t be blamed, can’t be held responsible, that we must presume benign motives and reach for non-incriminating explanations.
There is a powerful incentive to sanitize the political choices of white conservative Christians: They are just “regular folks,” and as such, they can do no wrong. Usually, this is achieved by exculpatory tales about why they *didn’t mean to* or *had to* support extremism.
The “didn’t mean to” line of apologism often describes the extremists who gather significant white support as brilliant demagogues who managed to deceive and seduce innocent Americans. What chance did they have, encountering such evil genius?
The “had no choice but to support extremism” variant deflects blame by pretending white Americans have no political agency: Economic anxiety, anti-elite backlash, or just a reaction to liberals being mean – someone or something *made them do it*. How dare anyone judge them!
Whenever people rode waves of racial resentment to political prominence, their success has been described in such terms. Whether it was George Wallace’s surprisingly successful presidential run in 1968 or David Duke’s near-victory in the 1990 senate election in Louisiana.
This, here, is a slightly different variation of this sanitizing myth: White innocence is achieved not by justifying and apologizing widespread support for political extremism - but by decreeing that what they are supporting must not be called extremism in the first place. Image
It’s an argument that doesn’t withstand the least bit of historical scrutiny and falls apart after even just half a minute of actually giving it some critical thought. Unless, of course, the sole purpose is to uphold and perpetuate white innocence. Then it’s very effective.
The only reason to pay any attention at all to this kind of nonsense is that this type of pseudo-reasoning is often used to obfuscate not just the nature of Trumpism, but also the depth and extent of Republican radicalization more generally.
If we’re not grappling honestly with the fact that Christian nationalism, white supremacist militancy, and fascistic extremism are “normal” - as in: widespread, beyond just the fringes - phenomena in American life, we’re complicit in helping these forces gain strength.
Fascists count on the idea that they can make “Don’t normalize this bad stuff” work in their favor, by relying on a perverse inversion: “If fascism isn’t normal, but these (white people) are normal / regular folks, then that means they can’t be fascists!” Let’s not fall for it.
A similarly apologist sleight of hand is often deployed to provide cover for the Republican Party: If extremism is not defined by its ideological/political substance, but as “something fringe,” then the minute it becomes GOP mainstream, it ceases to be regarded as extremism.
Just like that, not only do extremist ideas and policies get automatically legitimized - by definition, the Republican Party, regardless of how substantively extreme, also gets treated as “normal” simply because it ain’t fringe, because it’s supported by almost half the county.
One more thought: Something else that’s so revealingly problematic about this take is the deep-seated #exceptionalism it oozes. Basically: Maybe fascists can garner mass support elsewhere – but this is America, and how dare anyone suggest such things might happen here! Image
I’ve seen a lot of people ask how someone with Hamid’s profile could possibly be unaware that fascistic movements have been quite popular in many countries. But if your perspective on America is shaped entirely by exceptionalist myths, who cares about other countries?
The idea that is still shaping so much of centrist and liberal thinking about the state of American democracy seems to be: “Sure, people in other countries have displayed fascistic tendencies, *but in America* no one beyond the irrelevant fringe would ever fall for that.”
Much of the Democratic elite and the elite centrist / liberal punditry still subscribes to an exceptionalist understanding that America is fundamentally good and inexorably on its way to overcoming whatever vestigial problems there might still be.
It builds on a mythical tale of America’s past, a distorted perspective on American history describing democracy as old, consolidated, and exceptionally stable, imagining the country and its people as basically immune to authoritarianism: It cannot happen here! Image
Such a perspective completely ignores the fact that multiracial democracy started not even 60s years ago. Acknowledging what the GOP has become, and that millions of Americans are supporting the party not despite, but because of that, goes against the pillars of this worldview.
But the political system that was stable and consolidated for most of U.S. history was a white man’s democracy, or racial caste democracy – a restricted form of democracy that deliberately left a specific political, social, and economic order largely intact and untouched.
There is nothing old, stable, or consolidated about multiracial, pluralistic democracy in America. It only started less than 60 years ago, and the conflict over whether or not it should be allowed to endure and prosper has dominated politics ever since. It can happen here.
To a considerable degree, the fate of American democracy depends on whether or not the country’s political and civic elites are willing to adjust their expectations going forward and move beyond any residual notions of “It can’t happen here” exceptionalism.
Take the combined power of the myths of white innocence and American exceptionalism, and you’ll get such bizarre takes, delivered with equally bizarre confidence: It can’t be fascism if it’s supported by more than just a few irrelevant fringe figures – after all, this is America! Image
The reason why more historical awareness won’t be sufficient as an antidote is that this kind of myth-making and myth-perpetuating serves a specific political purpose: Since there is nothing fundamentally wrong with the people or the institutions, no structural change is needed.
And just like that, the myths of white innocence and American exceptionalism conspire to provide the justification for upholding existing power structures in society as well as in the country’s political and civic institutions: Things are fine. Or they will be. Just keep going!

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More from @tzimmer_history

Apr 28
This is the type of comment I’ve been getting a lot for this piece: Always from self-regarding liberals who never want to grapple with the fact that the civil rights protests of the 1950s and 60s – the legacy of which they surely want to claim – clearly violated those principles.
Image
The polite mainstream widely rejected them with precisely those arguments: too radical, too loud, too disruptive, too divisive. Protests demanding justice, student protests, protests carried by a multiracial coalition are almost always unpopular as they are happening.
And they just keep coming:

“If you engage in civil disobedience you will get arrested.”

Easy! And this from someone who had “Democrat” in their bio and started their previous comment by claiming they - of course! - would have supported the 1960s civil rights movement. Perfect. Image
Read 4 tweets
Apr 23
What an absolute disaster that Republicans are still successfully playing their cynical game of exploiting fears over antisemitism in order to advance their reactionary crusade – and mainstream institutions keep willfully playing along.
 
I wrote about this here (link in bio): 1/ Screenshot of my “Democracy Americana” newsletter from Dec. 14: “We Are Falling Apart: The Right is successfully exploiting fears over rising antisemitism for its reactionary crusade while the Israel-Hamas war is tearing the democratic popular front to pieces”
We have reached a truly bizarre place in our political discourse when supposedly serious people want us to believe that the party of Trump, QAnon, and “Great Replacement” is the bulwark against antisemitism in America. 2/ Image
After pretending to be really upset about campus antisemitism during the congressional hearings in December, Stefanik ran off to meet “her friend,” the leader of a fascistic movement, the guy who is raging against immigrants “poisoning the blood of our country.” 3/ Image
Read 20 tweets
Apr 13
Weekend reading: I wrote about the disingenuous and dangerous folly of anti-anti-Trump conservatism.
 
How “respectable” conservatives normalize Trump, rage against a caricature of “the Left,” and accommodate rightwing extremism:

🧵1/

thomaszimmer.substack.com/p/anti-anti-tr…
Screenshot of my latest “Democracy Americana” newsletter: “Anti-Anti-Trump Conservatives Are Paving the Way for Authoritarianism: Highbrow conservative commentators are giving themselves and their readers permission to support Trump by portraying “liberal hysteria” as the real threat: A case study of National Review”
I dove into how leading conservative commentators in National Review are imagining a second Trump presidency. What they offer isn’t analysis. It is sophistry in defense of the premise that the actual threat isn’t Trump, it’s hysterical Libs and the radical Left. 2/
The goal is evidently not to provide National Review readers with an understanding of what’s been happening on the Right, but to portray Trump and his political project as so mundane and unremarkable that the liberal reaction to Trump must seem unhinged and dangerous. 3/
Read 15 tweets
Apr 10
Anti-Anti-Trump Conservatism Is a Disingenuous and Dangerous Game
 
A case study of how National Review normalizes Trump, rages against a bizarre caricature of “the Left,” and thereby accommodates rightwing extremism.
 
A thread, based on my new piece (link in bio):
 
🧵1/ Screenshot of my latest “Democracy Americana” newsletter: “Anti-Anti-Trump Conservatives Are Paving the Way for Authoritarianism: Highbrow conservative commentators are giving themselves and their readers permission to support Trump by portraying “liberal hysteria” as the real threat: A case study of National Review”
I dissect two recent pieces written by National Review editor-in-chief Rich Lowry and senior writer Michael Brendan Dougherty - who represent that “respectable” spectrum of the American Right the mainstream political discourse consistently asks us to take seriously. 2/
Whether or not rightwing extremists manage to take power depends largely on how much support they get from mainstream conservative circles – it depends on the extent to which the rightwing establishment is willing to make common cause with extremism. 3/
Read 10 tweets
Apr 10
Anti-anti-Trumpism in National Review stands in a long tradition of modern conservative leaders accommodating and providing cover for anti-democratic extremism – going all the way back to the conservative godfather William F. Buckley himself.
 
New piece (link in bio):
 
🧵1/ Screenshot of my latest “Democracy Americana” newsletter: “Anti-Anti-Trump Conservatives Are Paving the Way for Authoritarianism: Highbrow conservative commentators are giving themselves and their readers permission to support Trump by portraying “liberal hysteria” as the real threat: A case study of National Review”
In early 2016, National Review – to much fanfare and mainstream praise – published a special issue titled “Against Trump.” No more. An increasingly untethered anti-anti-Trumpism is the game these “serious” conservatives are playing. 2/
When editor-in-chief Rich Lowry organized the “Against Trump” special issue of National Review, he was widely hailed for continuing the noble conservative tradition of holding the line against fringe extremism – just like magazine founder Willian F. Buckley had supposedly done.3/
Read 16 tweets
Apr 7
There is also an element of Volkish ideology here - the assumption that rural white people with reactionary sensibilities represent “real America” and therefore command deference - while the groups that make up the pluralistic Democratic coalition constitute a deviation.

1/ Bluesky post from @ositanwanevu.bsky.social “The critical thing about this entire episode is the contrast with how GOP rhetoric is treated by the press. Slandering Democrats and city dwellers is normal, but the reverse can't happen. Implicitly it's because of the power rural areas hold federally, but it's been laundered into a moral principle.”
This ideology of “real Americanism” is crucial: It provides the foundation for the Right’s anti-democratic radicalization, forms the basis of its normalization in mainstream political discourse, and helps explain why the response to the authoritarian threat has been lacking.

2/
The idea that Trump and his base deserve special deference from mainstream political and media institutions is based on the assumption that Trump embodies and gives voice to an uprising of “regular folks” who had supposedly been unfairly ignored by arrogant elites in 2016. 3/
Read 13 tweets

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