...but here's what's up in Google News right now; note one of them is a regional Australian source, that's about where #NAFO is as far as "being a thing"
It's definitely much more of a thing on Twitter than in verified outlets right now.
I mean, there's people gatekeeping it on replies to this thread as far back as August 6, so, there's your sign. I was a bit of a latecomer to even that party, FWIW.
A few anti-fascist researchers, in the early days of both #nafo and #darkBrandon memes, noted that they deploy visual tropes of fascist art - laser eyes, military language, social-dominance-orientation language in feudal terms.
This is missing the point badly, I think.
6/10
I get some fairly hilarious "why you talk all fancy hurr durr" feedback when I talk about memes this way (which is actually good feedback in my book), but the mechanism that's happening here is basically Situationist detournement.
Perhaps the greatest unexamined internal contradiction of Trumpism is the pathetic idea that Trump or the G.O.P. give a f**k about their supporters.
Sometimes I think the reason why we don't talk about it is because it gets too close to the truths of why we have audiences.
The truth of identity politics is that all politics are identitarian today.
Linguists might call it an aspect of the "illocutionary" force of our statements - it's not precisely what we're saying, it's the context that it participates in, the things it reaffirms and creates.
It's probably somewhat uncomfortable for the more substantive blue-check scene out there, but, look through the replies on what you Tweet and ask, why are people saying this?
Not just the hate tweets, the one-line "I agree" statements, or the "those rascals!" exclamations.
In-depth, this is the process that Yale School of Public Health researchers document.
We've seen fragments of this process, but I don't think anyone has bothered to lay out its peculiar logic in a flowchart like this until @YaleSPH (<-- tagged here for you to follow)
This is particularly relevant to trying to envision a more agile U.S. foreign policy incorporating some aspect of whole-of-state, non-linear war, including lawfare & sanctions intended to enforce consequences upon Russian proxy entities.
I concur with Rubin's assessment that big-lie support is a liability, but I think the signals that "big lie" extremists send won't be very visible to Democratic campaigns either.
External expertise is necessary to decode how race and legitimacy and extremism interplay.
I'm pretty directly affected by the student loan forgiveness, but I'm finding it much more impactful and interesting how it's sorting things out politically and also economically.
I think it's a smart move. Look at the timing, look at the audiences; I think it makes sense.
The idea that there were enough moderates to make a substantial difference in election outcomes seems somewhat repudiated by forgiving billions in student loans 76 days out from an election.
If they mattered, Biden wouldn't have done this.
At the same time, it's hard not to read the limits on loan forgiveness - only under $125k, an additional $10k if you got a Pell Grant - as also being in some measure moderate concessions.
They are also, perhaps intentionally, refutative of basic right-wing talking points.