"Markets of Civilization," is officially out with @DukeUniversity Press! It studies economic development in colonial and post-colonial Algeria 🇩🇿 through the lens of racial capitalism. A 🧵on the book w/a discount code and info on upcoming book talks ⬇️. (1/10)
I argue religion that Islam became the foundation for a "racial regime of religion" in the 19th century. Religion was more than a question of personal belief in colonial Algeria (a settler colony). It dictated access to property, citizenship, and markets. (2/10)
After WWI, ideas about racial difference were embedded in the organization of markets, specifically the standardization of agricultural products like wine 🍷and olive oil 🫒. Economic and literary takes on the "Mediterranean"🌊 were often steeped in colonial myths. (3/10)
In 1958, in the middle of the 🇩🇿Revolution, Charles de Gaulle announced the Constantine Plan, an ambitious program for economic and social development. But I disagree with takes that see the Plan as a mere attempt to raise the standard of living and avoid independence😱. (4/10)
French planners believed the Plan would transform "homo Islamicus" into "homo economicus" (their words!). The book explores how these tropes functioned in economic thought and how Muslims 🇩🇿 became a foil for models of economic self-interest and European rationality ⏰=💰 (5/10)
The notion that there was an inherent link between religion 🕌 and economic behaviors 💶continued after 1962. Ben Bella introduced a “specifically Algerian” socialism rooted in Islam. European leftists ☭ Pablo and Daniel Guérin doubted that Islam could be revolutionary. (6/10)
So why does this matter? (7/10)
➡️ Religious and racial categories were always entangled, esp. in colonial Algeria
➡️ Understandings of race/religion were built into economic doctrines during the Cold War (including neoliberalism)
➡️ The whole #islamogauchisme nonsense is not new
You can buy the book from @DukePress. Use the discount code E22MRKTS for 30% off!
It's the perfect Christmas/'Eid/Hanukkah gift 🎁 for that annoying laïcard(e) family member 🙉- or for that cool Keffiyeh-wearing islamo-gauchiste you'd like to date 😂 (8/10)
بالنسبة للأشخاص الذين يتحدثون العربية ، @_MohamedHADDAD أجرى مقابلة معي عن الكتاب! هنا الرابط (9/10) :
Book tour💃🥳: I’ll be speaking in person (!) on 27 Oct at @SOAS/ London, 28 Oct in Paris/SciencesPo and in Marseille/the IMéRA on 2 Nov (both in French). Then my 1st ever @AHAhistorians in Philly, 7 Jan. DC comrades, I'm coming in February! (10/10, fin)
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A few thoughts on Tunisia's importation of the French far-right's notion of the "Great Replacement" since I was talking about how certain Western ideas of race have been appropriated by pseudo-scientists and/or politicians in the MENA region in class today.
2) Scientific racism has long been adapted by nationalists in the region for their own political ends (esp after WWI). The fact of being from the global south does not make one an "ideologically pure" subject who only uses "indigenous" tools.
3) Nationalists in the interwar period looked to European racial science to make a case for territorial origin, links to the soil, and superiority over other groups, sometimes through notions of DNA/genetics or even Cephalic index/anthropometry.
Since a number of folks were interested in how the "Mediterranean" 🌊 was an imagined geography rooted in colonialism (see ch. 2 of my book with @DukePress for the longer version), I've decided to do a 🧵on some key moments of this history with bibliographic references.
1/ One major theorist of the Mediterranean, Fernand Braudel taught secondary school in Algiers between 1923 and 1932. Claude Liauzu argues that Braudel viewed Islam as an "intruder" and notes the orientalist tendencies in his writing (also see Omar Carlier).
2/ The notion of "recovering" the classical (Latin) Mediterranean had long been a pretext for colonization (along with stopping the Barbary corsairs), evident in Napoleon's invasion of Egypt or the occupation of Algeria or Mussolini in Libya.(see Juan Cole/Diana Davis).