1/ The Senate Agriculture Committee (@SenateAgDems & @SenateAgGOP) held an important hearing today on the Digital Commodities Consumer Protection Act (DCCPA), a bill to regulate crypto spot markets.
It's a good bill, but it needs some work. Here's why. 🧵
2/ What is the DCCPA?
The heart of the bill is a grant of exclusive jurisdiction over crypto spot markets to the CFTC.
This reflects a bipartisan, bicameral consensus that the CFTC is the right regulator for crypto. @CFTCbehnam made clear today that the CFTC is up to the task.
3/ The DCCPA gives the CFTC authority to regulate trades in a new asset type, a “digital commodity.”
It also gives the CFTC authority to regulate a new entity category, a “digital commodity platform,” including:
4/ @BlockchainAssn fully supports granting the CFTC exclusive jurisdiction over crypto spot markets & we applaud @SenStabenow, @JohnBoozman, & their talented staff for moving this proposal forward.
5/ But, like all early drafts of significant legislation, the DCCPA has some issues that Senate Ag members should address before voting the bill out of committee, or else it might end up doing more harm than good.
Here are the top five issues we see in the current draft:
6/ First, the bill’s “digital commodity” definition is too narrow & vague.
The biggest unresolved question plaguing crypto now is whether a given asset is a security or commodity. Any legislation on crypto spot regulation must draw a clear dividing line between the CFTC & SEC.
7/ The DCCPA’s digital commodity definition fails to resolve that harmful uncertainty.
The bill has a blanket carveout for "securities," so the SEC can still claim authority over any asset that it wants to accuse of being a security, which under this SEC is basically everything.
8/ The bill also gives two examples of digital commodities: BTC & ETH.
Yes, we all agree those two are commodities (not securities), but including only those two implies a much narrower jurisdictional scope for the CFTC than it should have & makes an agency turf war more likely.
9/ Second, the bill could be interpreted as a ban on DeFi.
The “digital commodity platform” definitions are all designed for centralized custodial markets. Yet, as @SenGillibrand sharply pointed out, they also might capture DeFi protocols—no more than code—which can't comply.
10/ For example, one entity type is a “digital commodity trading facility.”
The definition goes way beyond custodial exchanges: a “group of persons that constitutes, maintains, or provides a...system in which multiple participants have the ability to execute...transactions....”
11/ There’s a bit more nuance here, but not much.
As @sheila_warren testified, the bill is "unworkable" for DeFi: it says trading facilities “shall provide a centralized market for executing transactions.”
What does that mean for DeFi protocols? Wallets? Apps? Users? Unclear.
12/ Similarly, another entity type is a “digital commodity dealer.”
That definition is also extremely broad: "a person that makes a market in a digital commodity."
Does that mean every liquidity provider in an AMM DEX protocol has to register with the CFTC? That just can't be.
13/ To be clear, I'm confident that banning DeFi isn't the goal here.
But it could be an unintended result of applying the same rules to both centralized intermediaries & decentralized protocols.
Regulation should be tailored to risk, but the bill isn't tailored to DeFi at all.
14/ Third, other “digital commodity platform” definitions are too broad.
The bill imposes onerous requirements on some firms that aren’t justified by the minimal degree of risk they pose.
For example, brokers & dealers that only work with large institutional counterparties…
15/ …or custodians that are already licensed & overseen by other prudential regulators.
As I said above, regulation should be tailored to risk. For these brokers, dealers, & custodians, the DCCPA overshoots the mark, requiring registration where it isn't necessary or helpful.
16/ Fourth, the bill gives the CFTC wide extraterritorial jurisdiction, allowing it to regulate transactions that take place entirely outside the United States.
That’s a mistake. US regulators should focus on US activities & prioritize international cooperation for all the rest.
17/ Dodd-Frank gave the CFTC similarly wide extraterritorial jurisdiction for swaps markets & it didn't go well, leading to years of contested rulemaking & litigation.
This could be even worse for crypto, given the inherently global nature of the technology & thus the markets.
18/ Fifth, the bill threatens financial privacy by forcing all "digital commodity platforms" to conduct warrantless surveillance under the Bank Secrecy Act.
19/ There are other areas for improvement in the DCCPA as well, but I’ll leave the critique there for now.
Despite these issues, it’s exciting to see Congress move forward on a crypto bill that gets so much right.
There’s nothing here that can’t be fixed with a few good tweaks.
20/ It’s also worth recognizing the excellent process that Senate Ag has run so far.
Instead of trying to rush something into law quickly (as sometimes happens), the bill’s sponsors are taking their time to understand the issues. Today's hearing was another solid step forward.
21/ @BlockchainAssn appreciates that committee staff have been so open to dialogue over the last few months.
I'd say I haven't heard a compelling argument as to why staking makes an asset more like a security under the Howey test...
...but actually I haven't heard any argument at all. It's just something people say without regard for either (1) how staking works or (2) what the law is.
The general idea seems to be "if you squint hard enough, staking sort of looks like a dividend or interest, & some actual securities have those, so maybe staked assets are securities too."
That's not how the law works. That just means holders of staked assets expect profit...
...which alone doesn't make the assets into securities.
Expectation of profit is only one of four Howey test prongs & likely the least important for volatile assets (i.e., non-stablecoins).
People hold all kinds of assets with an expectation of profit. Gold, cars, watches, etc.
We’re glad that OFAC has heard our concerns & appreciate their effort to clarify these important issues. Yet, the FAQs don’t fully address the collateral damage caused by the designation. 🧵
2/ The FAQs acknowledge that US persons should presumptively be granted licenses to recover frozen funds. Good!
But, the FAQs require each person to file their own individual license request. That shouldn’t be necessary: US persons shouldn’t have to “apply” for their own money.
3/ OFAC may be quickly overwhelmed by a massive number of requests from people who aren't sanctions experts & shouldn't have to hire lawyers or pay legal fees just to get their money back.
The right result is a general authorization for law-abiding US persons to withdraw funds.
The SEC claims to be a "cop on the beat" for crypto. It should be!
But unfortunately, as Jim Chanos puts it, they're more archaeologists than detectives: they wait until things go wrong & then show up to dig for details.
Case in point: ignoring Celsius, but going after BlockFi.
This is not a new problem.
The SEC was famously warned about Enron years before it collapsed, but did nothing to stop it. Same with Madoff. Same with Theranos. Same with many other frauds & scams reported by whistleblowers.
A decent "cop on the beat" doesn't turn & look away.
No one will deny that bad actors have abused crypto.
One benefit of crypto is that frauds & scams are much easier to detect than in traditional finance, so we see when they happen, often in real time.
All a "cop on the beat" has to do is follow @zachxbt to find the bad guys.
It was suggested to me that my tweets re: Tornado Cash have been "inflammatory."
I don't think so, but to be clear, my goal is not to "inflame." It's to clearly & forcefully point out the uncertain & (hopefully) unintended consequences of targeting software & those who write it.
In my view, whenever possible, it's appropriate to give the benefit of the doubt to government officials making these decisions.
We don't know what information or analysis they're acting on. If incomplete or incorrect, our job is to help correct the record, not blindly attack.
In the case of US sanctions, it's entirely possible that OFAC misunderstood the nature of the technology, or acted under political pressure, or has information that the rest of us don't, or otherwise made this decision without intending to signal a consequential shift in policy.
1/ Four members of the Senate Agriculture Committee just introduced the Digital Commodities Consumer Protection Act, the third bill this year making the CFTC primary regulator for crypto spot markets.
It's a good bill overall & confirms a growing consensus for CFTC regulation.
2/ The heart of the bill is a requirement that "digital commodity platforms" like exchanges & brokers register with the CFTC & follow certain rules aimed at protecting consumers, disclosing risks, & preventing manipulation.
Sounds reasonable! Most people are on board with this.
3/ The bill looks to improve upon similar proposals for CFTC spot jurisdiction in the DCEA (House Ag) & the RFIA (Lummis-Gillibrand).
Secondary market regulation is a top priority in DC, so don't be surprised if one of these bills (or a combined version) becomes law next year.