I think this guy is arguing in good faith. But to believe that depriving Ukraine of weapons constitutes an “anti-imperialist” stance requires also believing Russia’s invasion *isn’t* imperialist. That, in turn, requires believing a number of things that are untenable IMO.
The notion that opposing arms transfers to Ukraine is anti-imperialist hinges on the view that Russia only invaded because it was provoked by a (supposedly) imperialist NATO alliance. But consider the things you’d have to accept in order to think that:
It requires believing there are legitimate reasons why Putin barely raised a fuss over Sweden and Finland’s accession to NATO yet viewed the prospect of *Ukraine* joining NATO as so real and so dire that it necessitated a full-scale invasion.
There are, in fact, no legitimate reasons for this. Putin well knew that, so long as Russia continued to occupy parts of Ukrainian territory, which it’s been doing directly and indirectly since 2014, NATO couldn’t admit Ukraine. To do so would trigger nuclear Armageddon.
To believe that an imperialist NATO provoked the war—and, in turn, that withholding arms from Ukraine actually constitutes an anti-imperialist position—requires believing a number of additional things that are equally unconvincing.
It requires believing that, absent NATO expansion, Russia would have accepted the humiliation of the Soviet collapse and accompanying loss of half its territory and population and become—for the first time ever—a satisfied power with no territorial designs on its neighbors.
It requires believing that, absent NATO membership, the ex-Soviet Baltic States would today remain free and independent of Russian domination. I’d argue their NATO membership is the only reason the Baltics are *not* getting attacked while non-NATO Ukraine *is* getting attacked
It requires believing that, when top Putin aide Dmitry Medvedev called Georgia and Kazakhstan “artificial states” and vowed to reincorporate all the ex-Soviet republics into Russia, he didn’t mean it and what he really meant was that the war was about NATO.
It requires believing that, when the Kremlin permits the sort of genocidal rhetoric below to air on state TV, it doesn’t reflect any special antipathy towards Ukrainians or their right to an independent state. Instead, the Kremlin’s real concern is NATO.
It requires believing that when Vladimir Solovyov, the Kremlin’s top media propagandist, stated that the war’s objective was “liberating a part of Russia…from its German, Anglo-Saxon, and Jewish colonizers,” he actually meant the war was about NATO.
It requires believing that Putin didn’t really mean it when he called Ukraine an artificial creation “on the lands of historical Russia” and said “Russia was robbed” by the creation of a separate Ukrainian Soviet republic. His real concern was NATO. en.wikisource.org/wiki/On_the_Hi…
It requires believing that when Putin referred to Ukraine as “an inalienable part of our own history, culture, and spiritual space” he didn’t really mean it and that his real concern was NATO. americanrhetoric.com/speeches/vladi…
It requires believing that when Putin declared that Russia “cannot allow an anti-Russia to be created on Russia’s historical territory” he didn’t really mean it. His true concern wasn’t reclaiming Russia’s lost imperial holdings but rather NATO expansion.
It requires believing that, when Putin publicly admitted that the goal of the invasion was to “get our lands back,” he didn’t really mean it and what he really meant was that it was about NATO expansion.
In sum, the idea that the invasion is *not* imperialist and that the true anti-imperialist position is to withhold arms from Ukraine rests on numerous premises that are practically inconceivable. Far from anti-imperialist, then, not arming Ukraine is actually pro-imperialist.
Addendum: As @EdwinH47291839 pointed out in a reply, it also requires believing that NATO expanded by prodding and cajoling reluctant Eastern European states to join when the reality was exactly the opposite—precisely because they feared renewed Russian imperialism. See this🧵
My latest: No other modern-day autocrat has tried to destroy democracy as quickly as Trump. But there’s a good reason for that: It’s stupid.
The combination of Trump’s recklessness and the strength of US civil society will eventually lead to a showdown, one he’s going to lose.🧵
Trump's breakneck bid for authoritarianism has shocked even experts on the subject. He has seized congressional authority, defied the judiciary, and weaponized the state against everything and everyone. Now, he's unleashed the army against protesters.
Attempting to dismantle democracy in such a short span of time would provoke backlash anywhere. In the US, of all places, it is downright reckless. Compared to other countries that succumbed to authoritarianism, America’s civil society is unmatched in its capacity to resist.
As bad as things are now, we have not begun to see what Trump’s authoritarian regime is capable of. That’s because the traditional checks on presidential power have vanished. Before we consider how to get out of this, we must first understand how we got here. 🧵
Last time, we examined the evidence that the U.S. has transitioned to a competitive authoritarian regime. Authoritarianism is not a threat on the horizon; it is already here. This changes everything in terms of how Trump can be stopped.
Today, I identify the guardrails that once served to check the president’s abuse of power. I also show how each one of those guardrails had vanished by the time Trump was sworn in this year. The story begins long before he was on anyone’s political radar.
First of all, credit to @ItsArtoir for publishing the emails above.
@ItsArtoir The context: Hacked emails show that @wyattreed13, “managing editor” of The Grayzone News (whatever the hell that means), accepted monthly payments from PressTV, an Iranian state-run outlet known for hosting forced-confessions of dissidents right before their executions.
Lost amidst the interminable calls for “peace” is that an agreement to end the war is likely impossible. Neither the fervent wishcasting of Western pundits nor even, if they were so inclined, the very parties involved, can make it happen. In my latest, I explain why. 🧵
As always, you can find the link at the end of the thread or in my bio.
Writing articles and op-eds in support of a negotiated settlement has become a favorite pastime of the Western literati. Nary a day passes by without some pundit or academic, few of whom have any regional expertise, penning yet another iteration of this tired argument.
Want to see a progressive sound off about “spheres of influence” like they’re Otto von Bismarck? Beseech the great powers to divide up smaller nations over cigars and brandy? Parrot the inane rationales of a genocidal empire? It’s easy! Just bring up Ukraine.
My latest 🧵
Russia’s war on Ukraine has all the ingredients to turn a certain gullible progressive bad. It prompted global condemnation. The perpetrator’s a longtime enemy of the U.S. and a victim an ally. So it’s practically tailor-made to arouse the skepticism of contrarian leftists.
But understanding why requires one to enter into this peculiar mindset. That’s what I aim to do here. I dig into the foundational—and very weird—beliefs that end up causing many progressives to justify autocratic imperialism and indulge in silly atrocity-denial.
A lot of scholars are seemingly hellbent on damaging their reputations with ruinous advice on Ukraine and Russia. The past week alone has seen three open letters from this sorry genre, all of which, if carried out, would put real people’s lives in danger. Let’s take a look.🧵
As always, you can find the link at the end of this thread or in my bio.
The first two letters are calls for a negotiated settlement between Russia and Ukraine. One of them—I kid you not—was drafted by a guy who was suspended from the UK’s House of Lords for his undisclosed financial ties to the Kremlin.