John Sides Profile picture
Oct 21 8 tweets 3 min read
In advance of election night, I think it's useful to calibrate expectations to the fundamentals, not to polls or vibes.

So, a good calibration:

House: Dems lose ~40-45 seats
Senate: Dems lose 1-3 seats

Anything significantly less = Dem over-performance. Here's why.
A standard model for House elections is Gary Jacobson's: presidential approval, income trends, and # seats controlled by the president's party.

Forecast: Democrats lose 45 seats.

dropbox.com/s/95s7hip8bzg5…
A similar model by Lewis-Beck and Tien: -44 D seats in House and -5 in Senate.

If they factor in expert ratings by @nathanlgonzales, they estimate -37 D House and -3 D Senate.

centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/ar…
A model by James Campbell based off of @CookPolitical expert ratings: -36 or -42 Democratic House seats, depending on how you code the ratings.

For Senate, -1 Democratic seat.
The best case for Democratic overperformance is that the polls show them beating the fundamentals.

Per @AlanIAbramowitz, the current generic ballot (basically a tie) forecasts that Democrats would only lose ~16 House seats and maybe 0 Senate seats.

centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/ar…
The same thing is true if you look at @FiveThirtyEight's polls-only ("Lite") forecast: -15 Dem House seats and +1 Dem Senate seat.

projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2022-election-…
I don't have a strong prior about the "right" forecast. And even a small seat shift will obviously change party control of Congress and that's huge.

My only point: basic indicators suggest that 2022 should be bad for Democrats and you should calibrate your expectations to that.
So if the Democrats lose 20 seats in the House, that is bad for the party -- no question. But it is also better than they might have expected. Both things are true.

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More from @johnmsides

Mar 31
Here's what I think would move the popularism debate along. We need some specific testable claims, because I see different versions of the idea circulating.

1) The popularity of the president's public positions is associated with their approval rating and reelection.
2) The popularity of positions associated with a political party (fairly or not) affect the popularity of all of a party's officeholders.

(e.g., this is the claim implicit in the idea that "defunding the police" cost Democrats in 2020)
3) The popularity of the positions associated with a president (or his party?) affect how many seats that president's party loses in a midterm election.

And does this apply to the out-party too? Do the GOP's unpopular positions matter right now?
Read 7 tweets
Jan 7, 2021
From a survey of Republicans conducted in January 2020, about one year ago:

51% agree that "The traditional American way of life is disappearing so fast that we may have to use force to save it."
47% agree that "Strong leaders sometimes have to bend the rules in order to get things done."
41% agree that "A time will come when patriotic Americans have to take the law into their own hands."
Read 5 tweets
Nov 20, 2020
This is an interesting notion by @jbouie, but some challenges for "the stimulus helped Trump" theory are:

nytimes.com/2020/11/18/opi…
(1) Based on the historical relationship between the change in disposable income and presidential election outcomes, Trump vastly *under*-performed.
And (2) I don't see any evidence that Trump's approval numbers or performance in head-to-head polls against Biden improved over time as the stimulus arrived in mailboxes and bank accounts.
Read 4 tweets
Oct 5, 2020
New paper from @vavreck, @cwarshaw, and me: "The Effect of TV Advertising in US Elections."

Here is a brief thread.

chriswarshaw.com/papers/adverti…
We estimate the effects of ads in:

5 presidential elections
276 U.S. Senate elections
176 gubernatorial elections
1,655 U.S. House elections
and 157 other state-level elections

All from 2000-2016.
So what does a 1000-ad advantage in a media market in the last 2 months of the campaign get you?

In a presidential race, about 2 tenths of a percentage point.

In a governor's race? About 4x as much.

In a state AG race? 5x as much.

No surprise: ads matter more down-ballot.
Read 6 tweets
Sep 23, 2020
I find the framing in this NY Times piece very odd. The notion is that GOP support for Trump's SCOTUS nominee reflects his "iron grip" on the party.

But, if anything, it's the opposite: the GOP's grip on Trump.

nytimes.com/2020/09/22/us/…
Trump's ascendancy in the GOP depended on changing himself. He launched attacks on Obama, spoke on conservative media and CPAC, donated more to GOP candidates, endorsed Romney in 2012, etc. From Identity Crisis: Image
And on most every issue, he has taken positions that were either GOP orthodoxy (abortion, guns, taxes, regulation) or more conservative (immigration). He has governed like a conservative Republican. See @MattGrossmann and @DaveAHopkins: washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-ca…
Read 6 tweets
Sep 2, 2020
Inspired by some recent pieces by @amyewalter and @jimtankersley, I dug into Donald Trump's economic approval numbers, which are typically higher than his overall approval numbers.

Here's what I found: washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/…
About 10% of Americans approve of Trump's handling of the economy but don't approve of Trump overall.

The challenge for Trump? They favor Biden by 41 points!
In general, whether people intend to vote for Biden or Trump is far better predicted by their overall approval of Trump, not by their approval of Trump on any issue -- economy, COVID, etc.
Read 4 tweets

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