Fourth #ISLTamici Theme: The ISLT’s potential harms are significant, and the Petitioners are asking the SCOTUS to ignore them
One of the more alarming features of the Petitioners’ brief is that it never explains why, as a practical matter, anyone—the Framers, Americans today, the Supreme Court—should want what the ISLT is offering them.
Their brief amounts to a lot of “pay no attention to the man behind the curtain” hand-waving.
The anti-ISLT amici explain the practical problems with the ISLT in extreme depth.
Virtually every brief offers at least some insight into these practical problems, and they combine to hit every angle: election administration, election litigation, federal courts’ docket management, public perceptions of elections’ legitimacy, etc., etc.
At the risk of self-promotion, I’ll highlight the Brennan Center’s brief as an example of how detailed these insights get.
Our filing is based on a compilation of election rules that the ISLT would endanger. We identified at least 170 constitutional provisions, at least 650 statutory delegations of power, and thousands of policies the ISLT could compromise.
We reinforce many of the problems other briefs highlight, and we add one more wrinkle: We help the Court quantify the impact.
This is especially important for dealing with the various “compromise” positions the Petitioners are offering the Court. As we show, these compromises still endanger an intolerably large amount of law.
Petitioners don’t go to this level because they can’t. They’re asking the Court to melt down our long-standing system of checks and balances and plunge the whole country into electoral chaos in the name of a made-up principle and fake history.
That’s a pretty terrible proposition for us all, folks.
We haven’t seen the Petitioners’ reply yet, but my guess is that the catastrophic problems with the ISLT will be dismissed as so much liberal paranoia.
But here’s the catch: Everyone on the anti-ISLT side is saying the same thing, no matter what side of the ideological spectrum they’re on—the ISLT is going to be a complete disaster.
As I noted above, the resistance is bipartisan and there’s strong agreement on what the basic problems are. This isn’t hysteria, it’s the truth.
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The amicus briefs in the SCOTUS fight vs. the independent state legislature theory—Moore v. Harper—are now all IN. Together, they make a strong cross-partisan case against the ISLT that highlights big problems with Petitioners' presentation. Let's go! 🧵👇 @BrennanCenter
The takeaways:
1. Opposition to the ISLT is bipartisan
2. The anti-ISLT camp is big and diverse, the pro-ISLT camp... isn’t
3. The weight of authority is anti-ISLT
4. The ISLT threatens major harms, which Petitioners ask the Court to ignore @BrennanCenter #ISLTamici
(“Petitioners” = the gerrymanderers from the North Carolina legislature who are asking SCOTUS to reinstate that state’s heavily gerrymandered congressional map by endorsing the ISLT.)
Third #ISLTamici Theme: The weight of authority is anti-ISLT
Let’s use history as an example.
Particularly after the Supreme Court’s rulings last term in Dobbs (on abortion rights) and Bruen (on gun control), history will play an important role in resolving this case.
The pro-ISLT side makes a lot of representations regarding the history. But none of these people are historians. And they rely heavily on a fake document to make their historical case (such as it is).
Second #ISLTAmici Theme: The anti-ISLT camp is big and diverse, the pro-ISLT camp... isn’t
There have been nearly 70 amicus briefs filed in the case—roughly two-thirds of them oppose the ISLT.
Joining the folks I noted above is a massive group of historians, law professors, U.S. senators, state AGs, secretaries of state, current and former federal and state executive officials, civil rights organizations, good government groups, and think tanks, among others.
The amicus briefs in the SCOTUS fight vs. the independent state legislature theory—Moore v. Harper—are now all IN. Together, they make a strong cross-partisan case against the ISLT that highlights big problems with Petitioners' presentation. Let's go! 🧵👇@BrennanCenter
The takeaways:
1. Opposition to the ISLT is bipartisan
2. The anti-ISLT camp is big and diverse, the pro-ISLT camp... isn’t
3. The weight of authority is anti-ISLT
4. The ISLT threatens major harms, which Petitioners ask the Court to ignore @BrennanCenter#ISLTamici
(“Petitioners” = the gerrymanderers from the North Carolina legislature who are asking SCOTUS to reinstate that state’s heavily gerrymandered congressional map by endorsing the ISLT.)
The 1st wave of amicus briefs in SCOTUS’s upcoming “independent state legislature theory” case is incoming—if you read no other brief, read the Conference of Chief Justices'. This is a rare and significant brief that should send a strong caution to the Justices🧵👇 @BrennanCenter
For some background: The Conference of Chief Justices is comprised of the Chief Justices or Chief Judges of the highest courts in all 50 states, D.C., Puerto Rico, the Northern Mariana Islands, the Territories of American Samoa, Guam, and the Virgin Islands.
SCOTUS has just decided to take a case out of NC that several conservative Justices seem to be eyeing to liberate rogue state legislatures to undermine fair elections and fair maps. Unpacking what this decision does —and what it might mean 👇 🧵@BrennanCenter
Brief background on this case: Legislative leaders involved in the extreme gerrymandering of NC’s congressional map were asking SCOTUS to overturn a ruling from the NC Supreme Court that struck that map down as unconstitutional under NC’s state constitution.