1/ In our ingrained reductionism we forget that none of this began with one man, instead what we face is the product of decades of agenda - foreign and domestic.
A multiplicity of vectors engaged in a discourse coalition provisioning agency.
2/ Even where the different vectors of this discourse coalition of authoritarianism engage in internecine conflicts, as with Trump and Pence, the agenda remains sacrosanct.
Its agency remains focused on that agenda. Long games.
3/ The vectors are variants of authoritarianism.
From fascists to corporatists, oligarchs to zealots, cultists to Quislings, abusers to white collar criminals - on a foundation of Might Makes Right mentality, connected by a force dynamic of transnational organized crime.
4/ We face nascent authoritarianism in a time of, enabled by, insurrection by oligarchy, the third in our history.
January 6 was one vector’s attempt to secure control over agenda, it failed because that vector did not fully control the agency provisioned by the other vectors.
5/ If January 6 had succeeded, it would have transitioned our country from anocracy to kleptocracy and ultimately a variant of fascism.
It may yet.
Because the agenda remains active, the agency in place, and the self-coup enabled by January 6 continues still.
6/ The other vectors, their variant goals range from criminal oligarchy to corporatist autocracy and theocracy.
There’s no lesser evil in what wages war upon us.
It’s all authoritarian, and authoritarianism is a system of abuse which, in the end, kills the host it preys upon.
7/ It is in no way self-evident for us as a society to meet the requirements of defending against authoritarianism.
Because even now too many of those who can clarify our reality and challenges fail to function accordingly.
8/ The first requirement to ward off nascent authoritarianism is always that of Big Picture Awareness.
Too many of us have neither means nor methods to establish it themselves. And in our media landscape all is narrative, atomised and reductionist.
9/ The second requirement to defend against authoritarianism is uniform accountability.
In too many ways, our society does not provide this.
It’s a bitter acknowledgment. From oligarchy dynamics to racism, from the pathology of extreme wealth to games of divide and conquer.
10/ Both requirements of defending against authoritarianism share common dependencies.
A functional Fourth Estate.
A participatory democracy.
11/ As sensitive an acknowledgment as it may be, we do not have a functional Fourth Estate.
We have a mostly corporate media landscape, a purposely broken local news information ecosystem, a self-reinforcing force dynamic of opinion brands - journalism within constraints.
12/ The consequence is that it is up to each and all of us to engage in participatory democracy.
To connect, to network, to communicate, to organise.
To #VoteBlue
We can, must & will do this. Cause no matter which variant of authoritarianism, it will eat us all if we let it.
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This, by @djrothkopf is a confrontation with the difference between narrative established by the GOP and the reality behind it.
1/ Something the corporate media which shape our perception should have explained a long time ago already. thedailybeast.com/republicans-ar…
2/ Republicans are bad for the economy. The very statement is a confrontation with decades of established narrative - political PR.
It requires explanatory journalism to punch through it. And even then it is not self-evident for us to acknowledge the reality behind the PR.
3/ Once it’s clear that Republicans have always been bad for the economy, it gets worse. Just like its agenda, agency and behaviour has escalated, so have its goals over time.
This by @froomkin is a really good read, presenting a tough question crucial to our current challenges.
1/ Why don’t folks in media sound the alarm? The article explores several angles, each of relevance, but there are some blindspots. presswatchers.org/2022/11/why-ar…
2/ One answer resonates with a broader societal issue: many of us have forgotten what democracy means: how everything we have and get to do depends on it.
In this regard folks in media are no different from many of us. But there is a distance between media and society.
3/ Functional media function as a Fourth Estate, in our country the concept is pretty much a cultural mythos: we do not have a Fourth Estate, we have media operating under conditions of oligarchy.
2/ Even now we underestimate the power of narrative, often we ignore it. It strikes me as peculiar because we see the consequences of a toxic variant of it every day: accelerationist narratives. accresearch.org/shortanalysis/…
3/ The challenge with a narrative driven antidote is that it needs to match the requirements for what it has to engage. In our case, nascent authoritarianism.
We need to realise that the pattern didn’t start with one man, it’s a product of cultural engineering: 🧶
2/ Don’t get me wrong, amazing work. But as an old woman whose family came here from Weimar Germany, I can’t help but remember that it’s never pro- or opponents, but the conformist / establish / passive majority which gives permission to authoritarians, or not.
3/ This kind of format, visuals, pacing, I would love to see that with an explainer part on how our economy is under threat, how the threat plays PR while preying on what enables us to secure our rights.
What would you consider effective for out-group targeting?
On November 17, 1998, something extraordinary happened in Moscow.
1/ A high-ranking member of the organized crime unit at the FSB (Russia’s FBI) held a press conference. Go figure.
2/ His name was Alexander Litvinenko, and he told the world that Russia’s intelligence and law enforcement agencies had been taken over by organized crime.
He called Russia, “A Mafia State.”
3/ One year later, Vladimir Putin became President of Russia. But during Litvinenko’s final months at the FSB organized crime unit, Putin was his boss.