1: A few folks asked me to elaborate on this. I'll try. And please note that I don't mean to pick on the Kahl speech per se, since his speech isn't really about China. But the way China is framed there is (1) endemic in US rhetoric but (2) spectacularly ineffective, in my view.
2: To be blunt, experience and intuition tell me that Washington is delusional if thinks this kind of stark, binary message on China is going to work in most regions of the world - inclusive of, but not limited to, the Middle East and North Africa.
3: Of course, one problem is that big powers are self evidently self-interested. So calling China “transactional and opportunistic” while presenting the US as purely “altruistic” will presumably be laughed out of the room in most global capitals.
4: But frankly, the bigger problem is that it talks down to third countries to imply that they are fools and waifs. The reality is many governments in the Global South understand that China is opportunistic but don’t care because what China is offering fits THEIR needs and goals.
5: We are publishing a stream of work at @CarnegieEndow on this, including from the Middle East, and it is clear to me from this that the US will get nowhere by presuming that countries don’t know what they are doing and need to be instructed by Washington about Chinese perfidy.
6: That research stream, which we call #ChinaLocalGlobal, includes granular analysis that shows a very opportunistic and transactional China but one whose entities adapt to local conditions. The US ignores this dynamic, not static, competitor at its peril. carnegieendowment.org/specialproject…
7: It’s also generally the case that reducing people to OBJECTS and proxies in your own strategic competition with China, rather than the SUBJECT of their own stories, both patronizes and insults them. It's a bad look.
8: And of course, it risks inviting comparisons, both implicit and explicit, between what Washington is offering and what Beijing is offering. That comparison can work in Washington's favor ... but not always.
9: Take Asia writ large: the US is diplomatically challenged and commercially weak in around two-thirds of the Eurasian continental landmass—including many countries in Central Asia, South Asia and mainland Southeast Asia. The comparison will often benefit Beijing not Washington.
10: So trashing China can signal other capitals that their countries are of little interest to the US on their own terms. Their takeaway will surely be that Washington pays attention to them only in the context of its own strategic competition. That is a piss poor message.
13: And by the way, this approach has had market tests over the last few years and produced ... not much. An example: the 2019/2020 US roadshows on 5G. Very effective in Europe and industrial East Asia, in my view, but quite ineffective in, say, the Gulf. thenationalnews.com/business/techn…
14: And we see these contradictions EVEN in countries that have obvious tensions with Beijing and are deeply suspicious of Chinese power. Take this #ChinaLocalGlobal paper: perversely, Huawei ended up as Indonesia's partner of choice on cybersecurity! carnegieendowment.org/2022/07/11/loc…
15: Now flip back to the Middle East. Guess who's doing cloud services in Saudi Arabia? Guess who's doing other tech-related Vision 2030 projects with the Kingdom? scmp.com/tech/big-tech/…
16: So the US should compete and compete hard, not least because US offerings (and especially private sector offerings) are absolutely spectacular: best-in-class financial services, amazing tech firms, world-beating innovations, and so on.
17: But I question the effectiveness of persistent US messages to the Global South that begin with, “don’t you guys understand why China is bad for you?” Most countries understand China better than we think. But they also understand their own goals and needs better than we think.
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1: Two things jump out at me immediately from the US readout: The first is the reference to joint working groups - suggests a basis for (modest) progress and that there was some Chinese give on the suspension of various dialogues after the Pelosi visit. whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/…
2: The second is the repeat of the language @Bundeskanzler extracted from Xi on Russia's nuclear threats. Includes the boilerplate about "should never be fought and can never be won" but also the "opposition to the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine" specifically.
3: Unlike most things in the US readout, which are framed as unilateral statements by Biden, this one is framed jointly: "President Biden and President Xi reiterated their agreement." There's only party threatening nuclear use in Ukraine, so for once Beijing didn't both-sides it.
1: The US and China are seriously talking past each other. This is not just about Pelosi. The US thinks this is about Chinese coercion. The Chinese think this is about a drift from “one China” to "one China, one Taiwan." That disconnect will lead to a very unstable new baseline.
2: The US line, reflected in comments by Blinken, Sullivan, and Kirby is that everything is normal, "routine," consistent with precedent, nothing to see here, and that the principal issue here is that Beijing is throwing a tantrum over a nothingburger and should knock it off.
3: Beijing, meanwhile, has been signaling from Xi, Wang, and others for 2+ years that “the US has misperceived and miscalculated China’s strategic intent” (Xi), “we want a real one China policy, not a fake one China policy” (Wang), and so on. All this predates Pelosi’s trip.
1/4 The US and Japan have had a security alliance for decades. But they now aim to layer a deepened technology and innovation alliance atop this enduring security and economic alliance. In important twinned essays, my #CarnegieAsia teammate @kenjikushida explores what this means.
2/4 For one, while official Washington and Tokyo have committed to make technology collaboration a centerpiece of US-Japan relations, the critical step will be to enhance *private* sector–led innovation, not least in Silicon Valley. carnegieendowment.org/2022/03/09/how…
3/4 For another, both sides need to better understand the business and industry logic, not just high-minded strategic and political logic, of how and where the private sector creates value. This means cultivating enhanced ties between startup ecosystems. carnegieendowment.org/2022/06/07/how…
1: Thread ... Today, the US launched a new economic initiative with Taiwan. Good news. The US benefits from robust economic ties with Asia’s seventh- largest economy, America’s tenth-largest trading partner in goods, and an important link in global high-technology supply chains.
2: And Taiwan benefits too from robust economic ties to the United States—one of its top five export markets and an essential technology partner. Taiwan, incidentally, discovered Silicon Valley decades before much of the rest of the world did, driving entrepreneurial growth.
3: For years, debate about a bilateral trade agreement has sucked the oxygen out of this dialogue. Taiwan's goals were mismatched with US priorities, which emphasized longstanding market access barriers in Taiwan and a reluctance to divert focus from higher priority negotiations.
1: Good piece on competition in Central Asia with quotes from a #CarnegieAsia scholar and external author. My two cents: If the US wants to compete, it had best treat countries as subjects of their own stories, not objects of America's own competition with another external power.
2: Central Asian elites are nobody's fools about Chinese power. But they aren't naive about American power either. And with Taliban victory, much of what's happening in the region has, frankly, been de-Americanized and is instead being regionalized. They, not we, drive the play.
3: And their objectives include straightforward ones: employment, growth, development, increased bargaining power with external sources of pressure, more options, more value-added left in the region. US hectoring about China can be an abstraction; nobody is ostriching or naive.
1: A quick thread on China's policy evolution, tactical positioning, and strategic choices in the face of the Russian invasion and the dramatic events now unfolding in Ukraine. Beijing will not want Washington to frame its alternatives and choices but balance its own interests.
2: Not suprisiungly, in my view, the Chinese will be selfish about their own interests. They are in a difficult spot because they are attempting (both rhetorically and substantively) to balance three goals that, quite simply, *cannot* be reconciled ...
3: ... (1) a strategic relationship with Russia; (2) commitment to longstanding foreign policy principles around “noninterference,” and (3) a desire to minimize collateral damage to Chinese interests from economic turmoil and potential secondary sanctions from the US and EU.