🧵We've pulled together some of the false claims about crime and incarceration you're most likely to hear at the Thanksgiving dinner table, and the data and facts to help you push back:
Claim #1: "Crime is up because of bail reform!"

Response:
Very few places have actually eliminated or reduced their dependence on money bail.

In those places that have reined in their money bail system, most saw decreases or negligible increases in crime after reforms...
For example, in 2017 New Jersey eliminated the use of cash bail. After that reform, the state's pretrial population decreased by 50%, and violent crime decreased by 16%.
prisonpolicy.org/blog/2020/11/1…
Claim #2: "Crime is out of control."

Response:
Crime remains at historically low levels.

The perception that crime is up is driven by hyperbolic media coverage and claims by opportunistic elected officials.

Property crime is at its lowest level in more than 30 years.
While violent crime has risen slightly in recent years — roughly 4% since 2019 — violent crime rates are still almost half of what they were 30 years ago.
Claim #3: "Crime is up because we defunded the police."

Response:
Very few cities actually defunded the police. In a small subset of these, crime went up slightly this year, but this is likely related to the pandemic and economic hardships. (continued)
Even if places had reduced police funding, most policing has little to do with real threats to public safety: the vast majority of arrests are for low-level offenses. Only 5% of all arrests are for serious violent offenses.
theintercept.com/2019/01/31/arr…
The vast majority of people arrested repeatedly are not actually violent and are more likely to simply have economic and health disadvantages that put them in more frequent contact with police.

A better solution to crime is to attack inequality.
Moreover, there are already tried-and-tested alternatives to police that do better at protecting public safety: Triage centers and civilian response teams for people in behavioral health crises, programs for youth, expanded healthcare...
...diversion programs, safe spaces for domestic violence victims, and fully funding services like sanitation.
Claim #4: "Tons of people were released from prison during the pandemic."

Response:
While prison and jail populations did drop early in the pandemic, this isn't due to releases. Prisons actually released fewer people in 2020 than in 2019.

prisonpolicy.org/blog/2022/01/1…
In fact, drops in prison populations during Covid are almost entirely attributable to fewer admissions, rather than more releases.

In many places, prison and jail populations are already at or above pre-pandemic levels.
Claim #5: "Sometimes jail or prison is the best place for someone - they can get the help they need."

Response:
Even in the best of times, jails and prisons are not good at providing health and social services, such as substance use and mental health treatment.
Claim #6: "Reforms for ‘nonviolent offenders’ are fine, but violent offenders need to stay locked up for public safety."

Response:
Research shows people convicted of violent offenses are not inherently violent... (continued)
Rather, violence is a complex phenomenon that is influenced by a range of factors, some of which diminish with time (such as youth), and others that can be mediated with interventions other than incarceration.
People convicted of violent offenses have among the lowest rates of recidivism, showing that they can succeed in the community. An act of violence represents a single moment in someone’s life, and shouldn’t be the only factor that determines their freedom.
Claim #7: “If you were a victim of crime, you’d want to lock them up and throw away the key."

Response:
Crime victims overwhelmingly support things like investing in mental health & drug treatment, and expanding violence prevention & youth programs, over more incarceration.
Similarly, many victims believe that incarceration can make people more likely to engage in crime.

Moreover, people convicted of crimes are often victims themselves. Victims and perpetrators aren't two entirely separate categories.
And if all else fails, it never hurts to pull out this chart.

Happy Thanksgiving!

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More from @PrisonPolicy

Nov 17
NEW: In the last 5 years, prisons in 13 states have replaced physical mail sent to incarcerated people with scans. There's no evidence that this policy - which has a chilling effect on the mail while benefiting private companies - does anything to make prisons safer. Image
Many county jails are implementing mail scanning, too. parents trying to stay in touch with their kids, journalists, lawyers, even nonprofits and educational organizations all report long delays and problems with their recipients trying to read scanned letters and photos.
So why do prisons switch to scanning mail? It's not, as prisons sometimes claim, because mail scanning will make prisons safer. (In fact, analyses in PA and MO show scanning is having little to no effect on overdoses and drug use, the type of issues it's purported to address.)
Read 9 tweets
Nov 3
When counties release "jail assessment" analyses (or commission companies to produce analyses) purporting to prove the need for a bigger jail, their reports often distort the facts. 🧵
The reports typically project that the # of people in jail will stay the same or grow, thus justifying the need for a bigger jail. But their projections often ignore criminal justice reforms that are likely to pass - or already have passed! - that will lower the jail population. excerpt from a jail assessmentexcerpt from a jail assessment
In Otsego County, MI, for example, a jail assessment claimed that "over 1100 outstanding warrants" in the county justified a bigger jail. But it failed to mention that many of the warrants were for offenses that, based on recent reforms, were no longer jailable or even criminal. graph from Otsego County Michigan jail assessment with Priso
Read 14 tweets
Nov 1
Money bail doesn't keep communities safe; it enriches big bail and insurance companies. And we found that in at least 28 states, including NY, California, Hawaii, and Texas, these companies have been avoiding paying $$ that they owe the criminal justice system. /1
We scoured decades of state audits and local news reports for our recent report "All Profit, No Risk: How the bail industry exploits the legal system":
prisonpolicy.org/reports/bail.h…
In San Francisco, officials estimate that bail bond agents successfully avoid paying “millions” of dollars owed to the court each year.

In Los Angeles County, $1.1 million in forfeited bonds went unpaid in 2016-17 alone.
Read 7 tweets
Oct 31
NYC is moving to ban physical mail at Rikers and other jails by hiring a vendor to scan letters and distribute them to people digitally on tablets. The "vendors" are companies that use tablets as a way to get money out of incarcerated people and their families. /1
Here are some examples of tablet services we've seen monetized before:
- Email (requires a 25-cent "stamp" in most facilities w/ tablets)
- Books (5 cents/minute to read in WV prisons)
- Video calls ($6 for a 30-minute call in California prisons)
We wrote about this in our 2019 investigation of "free" prison tablets:
prisonpolicy.org/blog/2019/03/0…
Read 5 tweets
Oct 17
NEW: We map where people in #Montana prisons come from, going (where possible) down to the neighborhood level. This is the 12th installment in our series of reports about the geography of mass incarceration. #MTNews #MTPol /1
ICYMI, we also have reports about:
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Maryland
Nevada
New Jersey
New York
Pennsylvania
Virginia
Washington

See them here: prisonpolicy.org/origin/
Our reports include download-able data tables of incarceration data by city, county, zip code, Census tract, state legislative district, and more.

The reports give researchers the data they need to study how incarceration tracks with other indicators of community health.
Read 6 tweets
Oct 12
A growing body of research shows that mass incarceration's greatest impact on voting does not happen via felony disenfranchisement laws. More often, not voting is the collateral damage of someone being punished by the state, or seeing their loved ones punished.
Even going to jail for a very short time for a misdemeanor makes someone less likely to vote after release - "either by changing their attitudes or by making their life sufficiently difficult that they couldn’t make it to the polls," 2019 research shows.
washingtonpost.com/outlook/2019/0…
New research from @publicsafetylab confirms that, yes, jail incarceration is making people less likely to vote who *would probably have voted* if they had never gone to jail.
Read 8 tweets

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