I really enjoyed it, & it’s a real feat managing to distill so much in such an accessible, readable & intellectually wide-ranging way. I hope he writes more books along these lines.
My particular interest is in one theme in the book: why were such draconian laws given so little scrutiny, even taking account of the emergency conditions? Hence, partly at least, why much of it was so poor, & misunderstood, including by the police & Government itself.
A key reason is suggested in the conclusion: fundamental constitutional defects, in particular the lack of a codified constitution. But what is the evidence for that?
There’s a good summary of previous measures taken to tackle emergencies, & I’d’ve liked more on legislative history & expectations. EG Defoe’s book on the plague suggests that 2ndry legislation under an old Act was also used as far back as the 17th century (extract below).
IE I wondered whether this was a sort of default position for the UK, which, perhaps, our constitution encourages? Or was the Government’s response actually out of the ordinary, & more to do with the characters & circumstances concerned?
And how did the UK compare to other countries on democratic scrutiny? EG did those with codified constitutions provide more scrutiny?
Perhaps more on that may be needed to answer definitively whether there’s a systemic explanation.
Elsewhere the book considers that the attitude of the particular Government at the time was to some extent a key factor.
This looked a stronger (& perhaps easier) argument to me.
As I’ve argued in this thread, parliamentary democracy has been under assault on (at least) two fronts recently. The Conservatives even won power in 2019 with a manifesto openly boasting that its leader defies Parliament.
Does such a Government particularly thrive in a constitution like ours? Are its anti-democratic tendencies are exacerbated by it?
A counter-argument might say constitutions like that of the US aren’t immune either.
The book is IMV rightly sceptical whether cases like Dolan were correctly decided, & wonders whether courts buckled under pressure. But how can we be confident courts under a different constitution would have decided them differently?
So I think the book raises valid points & important questions here without necessarily providing enough to justify the conclusion that the constitution is at fault.
But that doesn’t at all detract from an excellent read & a hugely impressive intellectual achievement.
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Two factors contribute to current political instability in the UK: Brexit, & the election of party leaders by their members.
Something connects them: both have - separately & together - weakened parliamentary democracy. 1/
It should be uncontroversial to claim that Parliament is the UK’s supreme legal authority, & that a PM derives authority from it. And it should follow that democratic authority derives from the election of MPs. But that has been undermined by both developments. 2/
MPs now have less control over their leaders. Conservative & Labour leadership elections were changed to give members the final say in 1998 & 2015 respectively. 4 changes of *PM* have now been made under such rules, all since the EU referendum. 3/
Note to start with this "duty of care" to members. So how, for example, has the Board justified the use of party funds to bail out its leader's flat redecoration, and for his legal fees in fighting off allegations of preferential treatment for his lover? 2/
How does the Board fare on carrying out their duties "with integrity"? Well, there was an Electoral Commission report last year regarding funding of the Downing Street flat, which wasn't challenged by the party, so that might give an idea. 3/
There's some dispute on the relevant test for determining the PM's investigation by the Privileges Committee, & whether it's able to reach a proper conclusion. Some thoughts here. 1/12
1. As @AdamWagner1 noted, the test is not, as the article contended, whether the PM "lied". 2. As @GeorgePeretzQC noted, the issue can properly be determined on an assessment of the available evidence. 3. All relevant statements (not just 1 or 2) need to be considered. 3/
Boris Johnson’s supporters claim that his 1st FPN penalty isn’t serious enough to justify his removal from office. How does that square with the requirement in the Ministerial Code to comply with the law, & what’s the constitutional significance? Some thoughts. 1/13
Here’s the relevant part of the Code.
IMV reflects an unwritten understanding that’s part of the constitution: given the role of Government, which involves proposing, making, & overseeing the enforcement of laws, its ministers shouldn’t act in a way that undermines the law. 2/
It’s been pointed that ministers have broken laws in the past: speeding fines, parking tickets etc. And apart from criminal transgressions, ministers have frequently been found to have acted unlawfully by the courts as a result of decisions made through their departments. 3/
Did the PM “knowingly mislead” Parliament regarding his account of the 20 May 2020 event? The Gray inquiry won’t determine that issue, as it’s out of scope, but likely to consider relevant evidence (in determining disciplinary matters etc). Some things to look out for. 1/
The relevant part of Johnson’s statement is here. Note it’s silent on what Johnson understood about the event before it took place. 2/
It could be read as suggesting Johnson just stumbled on the party & took the opportunity to thank staff before leaving. Possibly intended to convey that. But it looks deliberately vague on that issue, suggesting he did know something about it in advance. 3/
Thoughts on the correspondence released between Lord Geidt & Boris Johnson, on issues not being focussed on by the media currently. 1/17 gov.uk/government/pub…