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k.

@OneDividesToTwo

Dec 17

Crudely reducing the entire life of Joma Sison to that of "Stalinist betrayals" in behalf of the capitalist class is simply out of touch with PH realities, especially when he was seriously taken by the military establishment and elites as their most sworn enemy.🤷‍♀️

The problem with the dogmatic Trotskyite approach is that it forces facts, that can otherwise be interpreted and analyzed in other ways, into a predetermined schema that inexorably sees Stalinist conspiracies against the working classes everywhere.

This is conspiracy theory, not historical materialism.

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k.

@OneDividesToTwo

Dec 17

What is the legacy of Joma Sison? Sharing some thoughts from my review of his 2016 book "Building People’s Power". Whatever one's differences with Sison, even his most vociferous critics grudgingly recognizes him among the foremost figures of PH history.🧵
bulatlat.com/2016/05/27/why…

No armchair revolutionary, Sison was founding chairperson of both the radical youth group KM in 1964 and the re-established CPP in 1968. He led the resurgence of activism after the decimation of the Huk rebellion led to a decade of relative quiet in the 1950s.

By the time of Sison’s arrest in 1977 which led to 9 years of imprisonment under the Marcos dictatorship until its fall in 1986, the revolutionary movement had already taken deep roots across the archipelago. It became the core of the resistance against Martial Law.

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k.

@OneDividesToTwo

Dec 17

@YearoftheMonSy

My #weekendread is another article by @YearoftheMonSy which presents a historical and pedagogical sketch of Mindanao's Lumad Schools in the broader context of the Lumad struggle for self-determination #SaveOurSchools

https://twitter.com/YearoftheMonSy/status/1602527649985105920

The article does an admirable work of documenting the Lumad school from a critical pedagogy and social movement perspective, locating the building of schools as one of the repertoire of Lumad resistance developed in the course of their struggle.

The Lumad school integrates practical knowledge on agricultural production and indigenous histories of resistance into its curriculum, thus serving Lumad community needs, interests, and life-world in the context of continuing land rights struggles.

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k.

@OneDividesToTwo

Jul 15

Historical materials from earlier periods of struggle are important resources for use by activists, community organizers, and progressive educators in political education and organizing today. All independent archiving efforts to preserve these materials should be welcome.🧵

Efforts by concerned individuals to digitize materials documenting histories of struggles are important as efforts by progressive groups and community organizers to preserve their own histories are often hindered by lack of resources, varying priorities, and political repression.

Yet it is crucial for politically-aware youth and intellectuals doing archiving work to link their efforts to movements directly engaging people on the ground. Archives should not be for passive consumption but for dialogue and education that empowers communities.

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k.

@OneDividesToTwo

Nov 17, 2021

Contrary to Marcos propaganda that resistance was limited to a loud minority in Manila, Cebu and the regions were hotbeds of anti-dictatorship protests before and during the Martial Law years.

[A thread based on a Nov.8 lecture I gave to Philippine Studies 21 faculty in UP]

With the resurgence of activism and nationalism in the 1960s amidst intensifying economic and political crisis, Cebu’s role as a center not only of commerce but of mass media and education made it a crucial site of youth-led protests during the First Quarter Storm years.

In a year-end report for The Freeman, Resil Mojares, then a young journalist and instructor at the University of San Carlos in Cebu City, called the year 1970 as “The year of protests”. In a column, he described the rise of Maoism as that year's most significant phenomenon.

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