We use historical lynchings because they capture not only racial animus, but also institutional features (law enforcement, political institutions) that can lead to racial disparities in police violence today (lynchings and police killings not prosecuted).
We use @drlisadcook’s tremendous (and comprehensive!) national lynching data, which covers all racial groups from the 17th century! We also use fatal encounters, mapping police violence, and Washington Post data. At baseline, more police killings where there were more Lynchings.
We see large spatial differences in the numbers of Black and White lynchings and where they occurred. (Same for other racial groups.) How are these patterns related to police killings today?
At both the extensive and intensive margins, more lynchings are related to more police killings today. Number of lynchings matters more for Whites. When we control for population, contemporary controls, etc. The results for Black lynchings and police killings is quite robust.
Mechanisms? We look at arrests, homicides, and criminal legal involvement among Black people and find that these are related to Black Lynching intensity. The system is different in places with more historical Black lynchings. This relationship does not hold with White lynchings.
We look at contemporary arrests, homicides, incarceration, segregation (Logan-@jmparman measure), and again the result is robust. We conjecture that historical Black lynchings are related to police contact, and this is established routinized practice related to lynching intensity
This has been a great project to work on and we appreciate the help of @VincentPancini as an RA on this project. Our results are still very preliminary and we continue to refine the project going forward. Excited to hear Sam Myers, Jr.’s discussion!
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
There is a lot of handwringing about Black male voting patterns and it’s potential to “flip” the coming election. This is a red herring. There is no polling to suggest that Black men will be anything but the second most D leaning demographic group, they have been for years 1/N 🧵
The 2018 midterms did see White women vote D by a small margin relative to 2016, but this reversed itself in 2020 with a stronger R lean than in 2016. For Black men, the D lean was stronger in the 2018 midterms than in the 2020 election. Best prediction: more of the same. 2/N
The D margin for Black men in 2020 exceeded the LGBTQ margin in 2020. Yet I see very little (no) media mention of needing to turn this demographic out and voting for Dems by larger margins. Why is that? LGBTQ voter pop is almost twice the size of Black male voter pop. 3/N
There should be some polling to back up a statement like this. I cannot find any recent polls by race and gender in the GA gov election. So, let’s do a little basic election math to determine the following: is 60% Black male support for Abrams a plausible number? 1/N
First, some building blocks. Black women voters in GA outnumber Black men voters by a 60/40 ratio. In the 2020 election, 18% of the total vote was Black women, and 12% of the total voters were Black men. That ratio is unlikely to change in 2022 in GA. 2/N
Second, another building block. The vote differences between Black men and Black women are consistently around 10 points. That is, Black women are 91% for D and Black men 81%. Given the 60/40 ratio, this gives us a “Black vote” that is 87% D, as in 2020. 3/N
Whenever I hear “they should have gone to trade school” I know you know nothing about predatory schools that saddled students with excessive debt under the pretense of learning marketable trades in a short period of time.
They did what you said to do! It’s infuriating.
These schools had very high default rates because students had high debt levels and low wages after graduation, assuming they graduated at all. Programs in veterinary technology, physical therapy, culinary arts, medical transcription etc. could leave you $30K in debt. Easily.
We know the major names like Devry and ITT, but there are many, many more that copied cheaper (but longer duration) community and technical college programs at higher prices and shorter completion times. They sold speed. They also used veterans, which is another story.
BREAKING NEWS!! Today @OhioState announced another 10 tenure-track faculty positions for the Race, Inclusion and Social Equity (RAISE) initiative. With the 15 positions approved earlier this year, we have identified half of the 50 research positions for RAISE!
It has been one of the highlights of my career at Ohio State to assist our Provost in selecting from an extremely strong set of proposals designed to enhance Ohio State's research capacity on race and social equity issues. This goes to the heart of our land grant mission.
It is very rare for a research university to place race *research* at the forefront of the research mission, and this is one aspect that makes RAISE unique. Scholars must feel that their work is valued and critical to the research mission of the institution.
As pertinent in 2022 as it was when it debuted in 1992. This poem by Essex Hemphill.
For My Own Protection
I want to start
an organization
to save my life.
If whales, snails,
dogs, cats,
Chrysler, and Nixon
can be saved,
the lives of Black men
are priceless
and can be saved.
We should be able
to save each other.
I don't want to wait
for the Heritage Foundation
to release a study
stating Black men
are almost extinct.
I don't want to be
the living dead
pacified with drugs
and sex.
If a human chain
can be formed
around missile sites,
then surely Black men
can form human chains
around Anacostia, Harlem,
South Africa, Wall Street,
Hollywood, each other.
"Black households in the US with income > $75,000 lie in higher poverty neighborhoods than White households that earn less than $40,000" and @PatBayerNC shows that Black households need $65,000 in income to move to median neighborhood while Whites need only need $20,000.
Strong evidence of the effects of segregation on economic opportunity. The most affluent Black households in Chicago just barely enter affluent neighborhoods, while White households who are poor have exceptional access to affluent neighborhoods.
As @PatBayerNC says: So segregation and discrimination have import for our theories of intergenerational mobility. They also have import for allocation and economic growth. Even wealth is insufficient to explain the differences in other forms of capital that households have