Navalny is a Russian opposition leader unjustly imprisoned on politically motivated charges. An eponymous documentary about him is one 2023 Oscar favorites. @navalny supporters are adamant that his history of racist and xenophobic positions is insignificant.🧵
They maintain that his views have evolved and that his far right nationalist persona is over a decade old and therefore irrelevant. I sympathize with Navalny’s struggle against Putin and believe that he should be freed. Yet, as a Central Asian, I find it hard to ignore his past.
I have seen Navalny supporters accuse anyone criticizing him of doing Putin’s bidding. But the truth is that people in places formerly colonized by Russia detest Putin AND are also weary of Navalny because of his well documented history as a far right Russian nationalist.
The unfailingly arrogant and dismissive tone adopted by Navalny’s closest associates like @pevchikh and @leonidvolkov as well as many other prominent “good Russians” does little to dispel these concerns among the formerly colonized.
Here’s an example of vintage Navalny. I suppose that stuff like this is easier to brush off as insignificant if you are NOT Central Asian. But I am Central Asian and, as much as I admire Navalny’s heroic struggle against Putin, I can’t shake the unease.
I couldn’t find a version with English subtitles so my own captions/translation are attached. Navalny’s opposition to Putin is real and he is paying a terrible price for it. But the largely two-dimensional view of Navalny as Russia’s savior is dangerously simplistic. THE END
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
As a thoroughly russified Qazaq kid growing up in the 1980s Almaty, I had deeply internalized the Russo-centric view of Qazaq-speaking Qazaqs as being rural and backwards. Embarrassingly, for many years, I failed to understand what now seems so painfully obvious. 1/10
My infatuation with Russian culture and my contempt toward the language of my own ancestors were byproducts of Moscow’s colonial rule in Central Asia. When the colonized learn to look down on their own language and culture, the settler colonial project is complete. 2/10
As post-Soviet Russia reverted to its roots as a murderous colonial power, my lopsided love affair with Russian language and culture came to an end. My old contempt for Qazaq language and culture has been replaced with attempts to learn Qazaq and regret about the loss. 3/10
May 31 is the Day of Remembrance of Victims of Political Repression and Famine in Qazaqstan. On this day, I remember my grandfather. Unfortunately, as time passes, memories begin to fade. However, one of the stories that he shared I still remember vividly. 🧵
In the early 1930s, he was a young man pursuing his post-secondary education in finance in the city of Semey. His family had long been affluent, which, in Qazaqstan at the time, meant having lots of livestock. At some point, he received a terrifying message from his father.
His father asked him to return home. All of their livestock had been collectivized and, to escape further persecution, they had to flee to a different part of the country with only the clothes on their backs. His father said they were not going to make it without his help.
When 🇷🇺 supporters of Navany respond with insults to simple observations that his legacy includes vicious rhetoric against Central Asian migrants and other minorities, they help illustrate that 🇷🇺 society has a long way to go before it is ready to confront its past. 🧵
Unfortunately, there are no signs that this much needed, and long overdue, reckoning is likely to happen anytime soon. It didn’t happen after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It took defeat in WW2 for such a reckoning to get underway in Germany.
Although these responses provide useful examples, they are ultimately inconsequential because Navalny’s Russian supporters lack the ability to meaningfully influence policy either inside or outside Russia.
Mistaking the 1991 disintegration of the USSR for a genuine abandonment of imperial ambitions by Russia is dangerously shortsighted. And yet, this deeply ahistorical take had become prevalent in Washington and many Western European capitals prior to February 2022. 🧵
In 2012, President Obama famously mocked Romney for stating that Russia represented the most significant geopolitical threat faced by the US: “[T]he 1980s are now calling to ask for their foreign policy back, because the Cold War’s been over for 20 years."
In contrast, acute awareness about Russia’s past & present as a violent colonial power is common in societies that have suffered from 🇷🇺 imperial ambitions. Estonians and Georgians know all too well that 🇷🇺 imperialism predates Putin and is by no means guaranteed to end with him.
The unabashed imperial revanchism of Russia’s war against Ukraine belatedly jumpstarted my personal decolonization journey. Attempting to understand the ways in which Russian rule in Qazaqstan impacted multiple generations of my own family has been a part of this journey. 🧵
I recently came across this photo of my grandparents as a young couple. By the time it was taken, both survived incredible hardships. My grandfather was born in 1912, my grandmother in 1918. I wrote about him earlier. Today, I want to share her story.
Her name was Asiya. Asiya’s father, Akhmet Barzhaksin, was a prominent Qazaq intellectual who authored articles on public education and gender equality and collected Qazaq proverbs, eventually publishing them in book form. He resigned from the Bolshevik party in 1928.
Happy to have contributed a chapter to the new open access e-book from @ponarseurasia. I draw on data from in-depth interviews conducted in Almaty in the summer of 2023 to examine how language and age affect perceptions of the Russo-Ukrainian war among ethnic Qazaqs. A short 🧵
The reach of 🇷🇺 narratives is surprisingly modest. Among those who consume news & information in Qazaq rather than Russian, support for 🇷🇺 is absent while sympathy for 🇺🇦 is clear. Attitudes toward Russia’s war are remarkably similar among the young (18-29) and the “old” (50+).
Perhaps this has to do with the fact that 🇷🇺 propaganda, although formidable, is simply not produced in Qazaq language. Russian TV channels are still allowed to broadcast in Qazaqstan but their effort is wasted on those who rely on Qazaq language to learn about world events.