@tabletmag UCSF—one of the top medical research institutions in the country—recently created a separate Task Force On Equity and Anti-Racism in Research.
The report makes dozens of recommendations aimed at injecting DEI into UCSF's research priorities.
@tabletmag The UCSF task force builds on layers of prior DEI bureaucratic expansion, spanning nearly a decade.
The “Anti-Racism Initiative,” for example, established dozens of new policies, such as “evaluating contributions to diversity statements in faculty advancement portfolios.”
@tabletmag Through its Difference Matters initiative, the medical school created a document titled “Anti-Racism and Race Literacy: A Primer and Toolkit for Medical Educators.”
The guide is filled with eyebrow raising assertions.
@tabletmag The UCSF race literacy guide—staggeringly—defines racism as “the prioritization of the people who are considered white and the devaluation, exploitation, and exclusion of people racialized as non-white.”
@tabletmag The UCSF racial literacy guide also suggests—perhaps unsurprisingly—that anti-racism involves directly shifting power from those who are white to those who are black.
@tabletmag In a way, this is par for the course. Med schools across the country have aggressively embraced DEI programming.
Like the UNC School of Medicine, which proposed mandatory student advocacy—and that professors should be required to “adhere to core concepts of anti-racism.”
@tabletmag For UCSF’s Task Force on Anti-Racism and Equity Research, the goal is to transform the university’s research enterprise:
“The overarching changes required to mitigate racism in research is a philosophical shift in the mindset of those in power and those who produce research.”
@tabletmag Though the report only makes recommendations, some have been implemented, and many others likely will be.
The first recommendation calls for a new vice chancellor for DEI in research. In September, UCSF announced the role was given to Tung Nguyen, co-chair of the task force.
@tabletmag Nguyen refers to the UCSF report as a “labor of love and trauma.” (More on this below.)
The report itself states that its recommended policies will show that “anti-racism” is “centered in all aspects of the way we work and function as a research enterprise.”
@tabletmag These policies include emphasizing diversity statements even more strongly in UCSF’s promotion and tenure process.
And evaluating UCSF university leadership along such lines as well—for example, for their “record of hiring women and members of historically excluded populations.”
@tabletmag The task force calls for inserting DEI requirements into its research enterprise and adding “scoring criteria on equity and anti-racism” to UCSF’s internal grants.
It recommends expanding UCSF’s existing anti-racism research grant program.
@tabletmag That program provides perhaps the clearest articulation of what UCSF means by “anti-racism research.”
It borrows the language of UCSF’s “Anti-Racism and Race Literacy” guide.
@tabletmag It later adds that anti-racism research involves using methodologies like “Public Health Critical Race Praxis.”
@tabletmag Much of the report raises obvious concerns. Some, for instance, would reject the task force’s assertion that racism pervades all areas of the university.
More broadly, many of these measures pose an obvious threat to academic freedom.
@tabletmag By the time it published the report, the UCSF task force was aware of all of these issues.
Each had been brought up by UCSF employees during the comment period. The comments were published in the report’s appendixes. Here are a few:
@tabletmag Evidently, these critical remarks were enough to make the report, in Nguyen's words, a “labor of love and trauma.”
@tabletmag Some commenters were critical of UCSF's DEI-in-research plan. The response from UCSF’s official “Task Force on Equity and Anti-Racism”:
“TASK FORCE MEMBERS WERE TRAUMATIZED BY A STRIKING NUMBER OF COMMENTS THAT DENIED THE EXISTENCE OF INEQUITIES AND RACISM”
@tabletmag This point—that the critical remarks about the report were traumatizing—was repeated multiple times.
The forward to the UCSF report quotes one of the task force co-chairs, Sun Yu Cotter, who adds the excerpt below.
@tabletmag Take note. This is the future of American medicine.
DOCUMENTS: At Cornell, search committees that were hiring biomedical scientists had to pass four "checkpoints" to make sure their pools were "sufficiently diverse."
"That certainly looks like a Title VII violation," one legal expert told me when discussing the program.
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In 2021, Cornell received a $16 million NIH grant for the Cornell FIRST hiring program—aiming, in the proposal’s words, to "increase the number of minoritized faculty" at Cornell and beyond.
I acquired a trove of documents that show how this played out.
According to a proposal and set of progress reports, the program's leadership team screened applicants at four separate stages—the initial pool, longlist, shortlist, and finalist slate—to ensure “as diverse a pool as possible.”
DOCUMENTS: The University of Michigan’s “anti-racism and racial justice” cluster hire wrapped up last year—recruiting at least 20 new professors.
I’ve acquired the proposals via a record request. They show how U-M aggressively hired social justice activists.
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For a cluster focused on the arts, a proposal declares that the new faculty will teach students to become "change agents," as art should aim to "challenge policies" which "perpetuate white supremacy."
The cluster search in "data justice" was especially aimed at recruiting scholars in critical race studies," decolonization, and racial capitalism.
Adding: "UM needs to show these new faculty that we believe that it is not the job of the oppressed to reform the oppressor..."
My take: because in that time, universities launched huge ideologically-charged faculty hiring schemes.
But these schemes are legally vulnerable. They came hand-in-hand with overt discrimination.
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I’ve acquired hundreds of documents describing the inner workings of social justice university hiring schemes.
Just in my capacity as an investigative journalist, I’ve found dozens of examples of universities seemingly violating civil rights law—and hiring based on race.
1) “Our aim is specifically to hire a Black, Indigenous, or Latinx faculty member.”
At the University of Colorado Boulder, the Faculty Diversity Action Plan funded special faculty position, if departments could demonstrate how the role would enhance diversity.
Many of the roles created through these programs were overtly ideological, like the one for a German studies professor who examined fairy tales, folklore, and fantasy through a “critical race studies perspectives.”
When @ and I acquired the proposals, we found that many just openly stated the intention to discriminate.
— “Our commitment, should we be successful with this application, is to hire someone from the BIPOC community.”
— “This cluster hire has the goal of doubling our underrepresented faculty in the college.”
— “[This search] emphasizes hiring Black, Indigenous, Asian American, Latinx, and Pacific Islander faculty”
— “We have an urgent and qualified need for BIPOC femme/women of color faculty in an Africana Studies focus who will contribute to the social science division thematic cluster hire in racism and racial inequality.”
Today, I argue that the challenge of higher education reform can be boiled down to one issue: the talent pipeline.
If we rewire the academic talent pipeline, the reform movement will succeed. If not, no other list of policies will suffice.
2/ Universities have long provoked criticism. But acute mistrust is a recent trend. Ten years ago, 57% of Americans had high confidence in higher ed, and only 10% had “little or none.” Today, only 36% have high trust, and 32% have low-to-no confidence.
What changed?
3/ The rise of what I call the “scholar-activist pipeline” helps explain the shift.
Over the past decade, universities—from Columbia to Ohio State to UVA to Texas A&M to CU Boulder—invested aggressively in ideologically-charged hiring schemes, recruiting 100s of new professors.
Accreditors have played a serious and underrated role in ramrodding ideological and discriminatory policies throughout higher ed.
Some examples 🧵
The problem is perhaps worst in the medical sciences, of all places.
Example 1: In 2020, the Liaison Committee for Medical Education found Oregon Health and Science University’s medial school lacking in the area of "faculty diversity."
OHSU responded with a mammoth DEI action plan, which promised “incorporate DEI, anti-racism and social justice core competencies” in performance appraisals.
Also, “consequences” for faculty who didn’t get on board.
Faced with outside pressure, universities continue to circle the wagons in the name of "faculty governance" and autonomy.
But for years, big donors and university administrators have blatantly undercut faculty authority—all to promote sweeping social justice projects.
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Dozens of universities have embraced fellow-to-faculty hiring schemes to promote their social justice goals, as I’ve described before.
Through these programs, an admin-led team hires postdocs who are then given special favor for tenure-track jobs.
Turns out, this is a powerful tool for strong-arming departments.
Multiple professors have told me how deans denied or limited their departments’ funds for regular hiring, while strongly encouraging them to hire through fellow-to-faculty programs.