NATO was founded on this day in 1949. Its mission, as its first Secretary General said, was "to keep the Soviets out, the Americans in, and the Germans down."
Like the fascist project that it absorbed, NATO's anti-communism was directed not just at the USSR, but at the aspirations of the European people—and the anticolonial movements springing up around the globe.
In Europe, NATO was quick to rehabilitate fascists. António Salazar's brutal regime in Portugal was a founding member of NATO. Adolf Heusinger, a senior Nazi officer wanted by the Soviet Union for war crimes, would become Chairman of its Military Committee.
Covert “stay-behind” operations cultivated a new generation of militants to thwart left-wing political projects—beginning in 1948, the CIA funneled millions to right-wing groups in Italy alone, and the US contemplated invading if the popular Communist Party came to power.
Hundreds were massacred in attacks carried out by US-funded right-wing groups, many of which were pinned on the left—part of a “Strategy of Tension” that terrorized people into abandoning their loyalties to the rising Communist and socialist movements.
Beyond Europe, Walter Rodney had described how “Virtually the whole of North Africa was turned into a sphere of operations for NATO." Fighting for liberation, Amílcar Cabral saw the weapons that flowed into Africa through the alliance—fuelling wars to preserve colonial dominance.
When the US won the Cold War and the Warsaw Pact disbanded, it seemed that NATO's mission, too, would come to an end. The opposite became true. As Europe planned to build a new, common security architecture, the US was preparing for a new era of unipolar hegemony.
“We can’t let the Soviets clutch victory from the jaws of defeat,” George H.W. Bush told Germany's Helmut Kohl. No organization would “replace NATO as the guarantor of Western security and stability,” he told France's François Mitterrand, setting the stage for NATO expansion.
The motivations behind these moves became clear with the leak of the so-called Wolfowitz Doctrine in 1992. “Our first objective,” the document said, “is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, either on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere.”
The Wolfowitz Doctrine was later revised by Dick Cheney and Colin Powell and became the doctrine of George W. Bush, leaving a trail of death and sorrow across the Middle East.
NATO’s war in Libya saw open-air slave markets reappear in a country that once had Africa’s highest Human Development Index. That destruction fuelled militancy and conflict beyond Libya — in Mali, Algeria and Niger.
Today, NATO arms and trains forces in places like Morocco, helping sustain the violent occupation of Western Sahara, while outsourcing European border security—a role that saw Morocco massacre dozens of refugees in Melilla last year.
As a tool of US unipolar hegemony, NATO is also a vehicle for the spread of neoliberal ideology to its member states—another tool to disarm the aspirations of the people and subordinate democracy to global capital. There can be no socialism within NATO.
And rarely addressed is NATO's role in the US pursuit of "nuclear primacy", which from the 1970s has seen NATO member states host US nuclear weapons to reduce striking distance to the USSR. The US maintains a highly aggressive nuclear doctrine that allows for a first strike.
In recent years, NATO has adopted an increasingly assertive posture—plotting the emergence of a "Global NATO" and fuelling an aggressive new Cold War against China, one of the great threats facing our generation.
NATO is an anachronism. It emerged as an instrument of division and conquest just as humanity was preparing to put violent domination behind it and welcome a new era of human cooperation—principles outlined in the UN Charter, a document adopted with unprecedented consensus.
As a hangover from the colonial era, NATO cannot and will not survive the decline in Western hegemony.
The majority of humanity is moving ahead with projects of cooperation, development, and dignity—necessities to confront the great crises of our time.
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🧵Over the course of its revolutionary history, Cuba has dispatched some 605,000 health professionals and technicians to 165 countries, bringing health to as many nations as the US has sanctioned.
Now, the US State Department is expanding its sanctions to target the program.
"Our country does not drop bombs on other people, nor does it send thousands of planes to bomb cities," Fidel Castro once said. "Instead our country sends doctors to those most lost corners of the world."
One of Cuba's earliest missions supported Algerian revolutionaries as they fought against French occuapation in the 1960s.
“It was like a beggar offering help, although we knew that the Algerian people needed it even more than we did,” Cuba's Health Minister Dr José Ramón Machado Ventura said at the time.
Some initial thoughts on the Trump administration's policies on Ukraine.
1. The "aid for minerals" ploy simply makes explicit what has implicitly been US policy since 2014, using Ukrainian land and lives to line the pockets of the US oligarchy and military-industrial complex.
2. On NATO membership, Trump's "maybe it will, maybe it won't" approach hardly differs from the ambiguity that was always implicit in the offer.
NATO membership has been dangled in front of Ukraine—and, for nearly a decade before it, Georgia—as a ploy to drive both countries into increasingly-aggressive postures against Russia.
I doubt anyone seriously considered NATO membership realistic behind closed doors: these countries were meant to be NATO's instruments, not its members. They both know this. Indeed, Georgia's government has now said it explicitly.
3. The panic in Europe's capitals feels especially contrived given that the current situation is the very obvious outcome of (a) playing second fiddle in the US-led imperialist bloc and (b) making yourself entirely dependent on the US by helping it undermine economic relations with your more immediate neighbors.
Trump has simply pulled the curtain on the theatre of multilateralism that concealed how little say the Europeans really had within the parameters of the "unipolar", imperialist system.
It will have you forget the Holocaust in Gaza and try to convince you that US American fascism arrived, fully-formed, with orange foundation and a blond sweep.
It will have you forget that, many decades ago, the US inspired Hitler.
While Europe colonized and exterminated Indigenous peoples from India to the Congo, the US expanded West.
State governments offered bounties for "red skins sent to Purgatory." By 1900, the Indigenous population in what is now the US collapsed from up to 15 million to 237,000.
“I don’t go so far as to think that the only good Indians are the dead Indians, but I believe nine out of every ten are,” Theodore Roosevelt said in 1886. He justified the US genocide against the Native American people as the "pioneer work of civilization in barbarous lands".
🧵: We are witnessing tectonic changes in the international system on a scale unseen in generations — and much of the West remains wilfully blind to this epochal process or what it means for the future of humanity.
To understand this moment, we need to turn back to World War I, a vicious inter-imperial conflict fought for the spoils of colonial loot.
That war, which slaughtered over sixty million working people, both gave the impetus to the October Revolution in Russia and revealed the unspeakable brutality of an international order dominated by colonial and imperial rule.
In 1919, the Manifesto of the Communist International to the Workers of the World put forward a clear analysis of what that war, often remembered as the "Great War" in the West, really meant to the world's colonized and working people:
"The colonial populations were drawn into the European war on an unprecedented scale. Indians, Blacks, Arabs and Malagasy fought on the territories of Europe—for the sake of what? For the right to remain the slaves of Britain and France. Never before has the infamy of capitalist rule in the colonies been delineated so clearly; never before has the problem of colonial slavery been posed so sharply as it is today."
When British imperial policy starved some four million Bengalis to death, Churchill said it was “their own fault for breeding like rabbits”. It is clear as day that Churchill and Hitler were part of the same rotten European colonial tradition.
For years, Churchill backed fascism as a bulwark against communism. “If I had been an Italian," he said in 1927, "I am sure I should have been wholeheartedly with you from the start to finish in your triumphant struggle against the bestial appetites and passions of Leninism.”
In 1935, he praised “the courage, the perseverance, and the vital force which enabled [Adolf Hitler] to... overcome all the... resistances which barred his path.” It was Germany's threat to Britain's own fascist colonial ambitions that alarmed Churchill most.
My uncle once lived on Patrice Lumumba Street in Gdańsk. When our socialist project fell, Lumumba’s name made way for that of the Jagiellon dynasty, a royal family from a time when history measured the exchange of thrones, not the heartbeats of people. 🧵
Together with Lumumba’s memory went a rich legacy of socialist internationalism.
The Polish people had been in Accra, Baghdad, Lagos, Hanoi and beyond. They left behind schools, roads, hospitals, universities, and social housing.
In turn, youth and students from around the world came to Poland — acquiring the skills, lessons and friendships that would support them in their own projects of struggle, decolonization, and state building.