Kuhn’s idea of a paradigm is flawed: paradigms are not incommensurable, mature sciences do not have only 1 paradigm,& paradigms do not have their own standards of assessment. In contrast, the narrower idea of metatheory, abstract&general ideas used in theory-building, is useful🧵
1/18 Problem I. Much of what is presented as theory is no more than stand-alone hypotheses or lists of variables, ie, ideas that are not actually theories.
2/18 Problem I. This way of thinking about “theory” leads to a big problem: the chaotic proliferation of stand-alone hypotheses. And, as a quick look at journals shows, the increased focus on hypothesis testing does not provide a solution to this problem.
3/18 Solution I. One way to proceed in a more systematic way is to think in terms of paradigms. Paradigms are usually identified by certain metatheoretical commitments. Work within paradigms also routinely systematizes a range of ideas and at times relies on axiomatic reasoning.
4/18 Solution I. An example of what such research looks like is Patrick James’s new book on realism in IR.👇
5/18 Solution I. A number of works that reconstruct (& in some cases assess) the paradigms used by social scientists also offer clues about the way in which research since World War II might be organized into families of theories.👇
6/18 Problem II. However, a consideration of paradigms quickly reveals a new problem. It seems clear that social scientists do not want one paradigm to be hegemonic, the Kuhnian ideal. But this push for diversity has a downside, the first sign being the proliferation of paradigms
7/18 Problem II. Lichbach & Zuckerman (2009) stick to the rule of 3: they fit large bodies of research into three paradigms.
But IR theory has moved well beyond its three standard paradigms (realism, liberalism, constructivism).👇
8/18 Problem II. Ritzer and Stepnisky show that since the days when structural-functionalism was dominant, the theoretical schools in sociology have diversified.👇
So we must ask: At what point does richness become disorder?
9/18 Problem II. Making matters worse, it is become increasingly unclear on what basis paradigms (or schools of thought) are distinguished.
Take the example of IR. Walt distinguished the 3 standard paradigms in IR in terms of what I would call substantive features of politics.👇
10/18 Problem II. In contrast, Michael Haas distinguished among paradigms in IR in terms of the classic ontological distinction between materialism and idealism.👇
11/18 Problem II. Adding a new twist, Patrick Jackman organized research in IR more along epistemological lines.👇
12/18 Problem II. Finally, in a recent book, Peter Katzenstein suggests that IR scholars can be distinguished in terms of their “worldviews” and uses two dimensions, that I take to be about ontology and epistemology.👇
13/18 Problem II. We are left, then, with a range of different ways of organizing bodies of research, with partly shared & partly different theoretical foundations. Further, for those immersed in philosophy, some obvious gaps in the criteria used to distinguish paradigms jump out
14/18 Solution II. Some have tired of discussions about paradigms & propose to move beyond paradigms.👇
This echoes Merton’s old call to move past Parsonian grand theory & focus on mid-range theorizing. & maybe there is something to gain from a moratorium on paradigmatic debates
15/18 Solution II. Another solution is to build better metatheories.
This could be done by: (1) more clearly distinguishing between general ideas (e.g., the materialism-idealism option) from substantive ones (e.g., power is basically economic or military); …
16/18 Solution II. (2) making better use of research on ontology and epistemology;
For example, with regard to ontology, a good suggestion is that by @ShipingTang to focus on “bedrock paradigms of social science”👇
17/18 Solution II. (3) +explicitly identifying & distinguishing the substantive assumptions used in research.
These principles are tailored to the processes that are studied & will vary by field. An eg is whether we study politics with a pluralist, class or statist perspective👇
18/18 The Bottom Line. A hypothesis is not a theory. Theory is built, explicitly or tacitly, on the basis of metatheoretical principles.
So we should (1) theorize and do so in a more self-aware manner, and (2) scrutinize and evaluate our metatheories.
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La relación entre 𝗹𝗶𝗯𝗲𝗿𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘀𝗺𝗼 𝘆 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗼𝗰𝗿𝗮𝗰𝗶𝗮 es compleja y ha cambiado con el tiempo. Aquí presento citas de un libro de Bobbio sobre el tema que esclarecen lo que significa ser un demócrata y porque a veces hay fricción entre liberales y demócratas.
The Tradition in Context 1/2. Critical juncture research is a tradition that was launched by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokkan in 1967. It is part of a large intellectual movement that embraces historical analysis and seeks to go beyond a focus on short-term causal relations.
The Tradition in Context 2/2. CJ research shares interests with comparative historical analysis, historical institutionalism, the new institutional economics, American Political Development, and historical political economy.
Ayer, en un panel en FLACSO-Ecuador, hablamos sobre la distinción entre problemas 𝘥𝘦 y 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 la democracia.👇
Así que aprovecho para aclarar su origen - y por qué y cómo la he usado.
Hilo largo
1/17 Democracia descontextualizada. Existe una tendencia en la Ciencia Política a estudiar la democracia como un conjunto de instituciones políticas aisladas de la sociedad. Esto es un problema: la democracia siempre debe entenderse en relación a su contexto social.
2/17 Definiciones maximalistas de democracia. Una respuesta a lo que se considera correctamente como un análisis descontextualizado de la democracia ha sido la propuesta de definiciones amplias de democracia que incluyen ciertas características de la sociedad.
𝗠𝗶𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗲𝗹 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝗻 has been called “the greatest comparative historical sociologist of our time” (John Hall). He combines Weber & Marx but discusses military & geopolitics more. He integrates sociology & history. His work spans world history
🧵with resources on Mann’s works
𝗦𝗼𝘂𝗿𝗰𝗲𝘀. Mann is best known for his four-volume work 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘚𝘰𝘶𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘚𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘰𝘸𝘦𝘳, on the changes in power (economic, political, military, ideological) from around 3,000 BC to the present.👇
𝗦𝗼𝘂𝗿𝗰𝗲𝘀 𝗜 Mann’s 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘚𝘰𝘶𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘚𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘰𝘸𝘦𝘳 Vol. I (1986) includes Chapter 1, which Mann says is the best thing he has written.👇
𝗠𝗶𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗲𝗹 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝗻 ha sido llamado “el mayor sociólogo histórico comparativo de nuestro tiempo”. Combina a Weber y Marx, pero escribe sobre militares y geopolítica. Integra sociología e historia. Sus textos abarcan la historia mundial.
🧵con recursos sobre la obra de Mann
𝗙𝘂𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗲𝘀. Mann es mejor conocido por su obra en 4 volúmenes, 𝘓𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘶𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘭 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭, sobre los cambios de poder (económico, político, militar, ideológico) desde aproximadamente el 3.000 a.C. hasta la actualidad.👇
𝗙𝘂𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗲𝘀 𝗜 El volumen de 𝘓𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘶𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘭 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 (1991 [1986]) incluye el Capítulo 1, una discusión de teoría que Mann dice es lo mejor que ha escrito.👇
¿Cómo puede usarse la comparación como método para aprender sobre América Latina y cómo puede usarse el estudio de América Latina para contribuir a las Ciencias Sociales?
Aquí discuto algunos problemas en el análisis comparativo y varias opciones.
🧵largo
¿𝗘𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗮 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗼 𝗵𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗮 𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗮𝗹? 𝗜 Existe una tendencia a ver la historia de Europa como historia universal y, por lo tanto, a considerar a América Latina como una desviación de ese patrón, al que le faltan varias cosas.
¿𝗘𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗮 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗼 𝗵𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗮 𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗮𝗹? 𝗜𝗜 La teoría de la modernización adoptó esta perspectiva. Y muchos trabajos siguen usando esta perspectiva. Un signo revelador de esta forma de pensar es que supone que hay una manera de hacer las cosas.