U.S. District Judge Mary Kay Vyskocil is presiding.
The parties are noting the appearances for the court.
Up first and arguing to invalidate the subpoena is Ted Boutrous, who says the subpoena has "grave" separation of powers issues.
Judge Vyskocil questions Boutrous sharply from the out the gate, interrupting Bragg's attorney routinely on various issue.
She asks why overseeing the use of federal money isn't a valid legislative act.
She also asks about how Pomerantz's book isn't a waiver.
After Boutrous says that Rep. Jordan's probe is trying to "intimidate" the DA's office, the judge snaps: "That's your interpretation of it."
Judge: "There's politics going on here on both sides here. Let's be honest about that."
Boutrous says he doesn't concede that.
The judge then calls much of the complaint irrelevant to the subpoena issue.
I can't emphasize enough: This is what lawyers call a hot bench.
Manhattan DA Bragg's attorney is getting a very tough reception.
Boutrous hammers home the Trump v. Mazars precedent by SCOTUS, which created the test for showing a congressional subpoena serves a legislative purpose.
Then, a Democratic-controlled committee sought Trump's tax information.
Now, the shoe's on the other foot and the GOP-controlled committee wants to use this precedent to fight the subpoena.
Brutal questioning on Pomerantz's book.
Judge: Have you read this book?
Other Bragg lawyer: Yes.
Judge: Does it preserve your confidences?
No, she answers.
Judge: "If I find a valid legislative purpose, I am not allowed to look at the motivations on either side."
Boutrous says the landscape changed after Trump v. Mazars, after which judges now have to look at the evidence.
Up now: Jordan's lawyer Matthew Berry.
The judge asks Berry whether the committee needs its "adjectives" of "politically motivated" to make their case.
"Doesn't it politicize it on your side, as well?" she asks.
Jordan claims that his committee is considering legislation to guard against political prosecution by local prosecutors.
The judge asks Berry why he needs testimony if one such bill is in play.
Q: If you already introduced the bill, why do you need testimony?
The judge recites the court's holding in Mazars to Jordan's lawyer.
"Do you intend to respect the invocation of privilege if this deposition were to go forward?" she asked.
Berry says the chair will decide on a case-by-case basis whether the sustain privilege objections.
Note: Bragg's attorneys had an extremely tough reception.
Jordan's lawyer, whose arguments are ongoing, isn't having an easy reception, either. But it's certainly less stinging.
The judge notes, not in these words, that Pomerantz is stuck between a rock and a hard place.
If he answers the questions, he faces possible liability from the DA, and if not, the wrath of Congress.
The judge tells Berry: "You have to admit, it is somewhat unusual" for Congress to conduct oversight on a local prosecutor.
Berry accuses Bragg's legal team of "rhetoric and hyperbole" in this particular case.
This is just about the subpoena to Pomerantz, he says.
Boutrous says it's "totally unprecedented" for Congress to go after local prosecutors.
The judge counters it's also unprecedented for a prosecutor to charge a former president.
"They say that they're doing it because the indictment raises, in their mind," concerns, she says.
Judge skewers Bragg's legal team for filing what she called an unauthorized reply brief.
She says she'll wrap up the hearing and issue a ruling as promptly as she can.
Then, she invites Berry back to take his final three minutes.
Both sides got grilled, but the DA's attorneys can't be too happy about how that went.
By the DOJ's own account, the SPLC's informant program was cheap and effective.
For a fraction of a *percentage* of their annual budget, SPLC penetrated the nation's worst hate groups and published their secrets with info from their turncoats.
The DOJ's case assumes donors felt defrauded by this. buff.ly/cwTnYg6
The Trump DOJ alleges that the SPLC spent about $3 million on informants over the course of a *decade.*
Check out of the SPLC's revenue and expenditures from 2024, the last fiscal year records were public. That's a typical year, and it's a drop in the bucket. projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/org…
In return, SPLC infiltrated the KKK, the neo-Nazis, and other extremist groups, and they shared their secrets with federal law enforcement until Kash Patel put an end to that last October.
Two Trump appointees on the D.C. Circuit panel blocked Boasberg from even INVESTIGATING contempt of court related to the March 2025 flights to El Salvador.
The dissent: "Without the contempt power, the rule of law is an illusion, a theory that stands upon shifting sands."
This is the second time Judges Rao and Walker granted a writ of mandamus, an "extraordinary" rebuke of a lower court judge.
But Walker went out of the way to praise Boasberg, saying he was in a tough spot even as Walker overruled him.
The nuance here will be important to note in light of the Trump DOJ's campaign to vilify Boasberg, whose D.C. Circuit peers largely stood up for him even when his rulings didn't hold.
The judges presiding over the Epstein and Maxwell dockets have "inherent authority" to appoint a special master to release the files, and Trump DOJ's actions show why.
As more survivors join the fight for courts to appoint a "special master" overseeing the release of the Epstein files, the courts confront procedural hurdles.
One of the judges asked:
Who has standing for the request?
Do judges have the authority?
The new brief answers:
The Congressmen "do not require standing," the brief says.
Khanna and Massie are *amici* advising the judges of their inherent powers, which Trump's DOJ conceded by shifting blame for delays to the court in this press release dated two days after the deadline.