For a decade, Putin's Russia has made every effort to encourage Western scholars of Russia to write history along Putin's lines. In the context of genocide, this is no longer acceptable. After 2014, Putin saw Russian history as part of national security and persecuted 1/11
dissenting views. In 2016, Russian historian Alexander Churbarian told Izvestia that "we have received a request from the president: to intensify and broaden contacts with foreign scholars with the purpose of promoting historical truth" (as understood by Putin, of course). 2/11
bit.ly/3NmDxwo, p. 76. As a result, many Western historians of Russia were invited to events. I myself met Chubarian at an event whose purpose was to argue that Russia was a better colonizer than the West around the time of this quote. As Olga Bertelsen says 3/11
in bit.ly/3AF3Eao, p. 4 [some] "Western historians have gradually embraced the arguments and talking points emanating from the Kremlin." Not all of course, but some have, and their status has given Kremlin talking points, such as a Ukraine defined by nationalism 4/11
(while Russia isn't) more legitimacy than the Kremlin's own efforts could have done. Bertelsen discusses the efforts of the SVOP, a Kremlin-backed organization whose goal is to shape public opinion in Russia's favor, to mold Western views of Ukrainian memory politics. 5/11
Andriy Zayarnyuk, in "Historians as Enablers?" bit.ly/3Hk9ZMb traces some of the implications and effects of this policy. The Valdai Club has been a key place for these efforts. Putin would meet with leading Western historians and other figures and debate 6/11
policies for hours, gaining invaluable insight into how best to present his policies to the West. In 2017, Putin told the Valdai Club that Russia's "reunification" with Ukraine would inevitably take place. bit.ly/3neQ7Dm, p. 98. So participants should have known 7/11
what they were getting into. I used to get email from the Valdai Club (not having signed up), but when I looked into it a decade ago I thought it was sketchy and unsubscribed, so it wasn't as though there was no way to figure out that taking part was not a good idea. 8/11
Now that Russia is engaging in genocide in Ukraine (see bit.ly/3Egz5ZE and bit.ly/3oQUogO), taking part in these projects is not okay. Genocide imposes higher standards of behavior on its contemporaries, and using whataboutism or "nothing depends on us" 9/11
tactics does not absolve enablers from the judgment of future generations. There has yet to be a serious discussion of the implications of SVOP and other Russian soft power campaigns against Western academics. Those who did engage with these campaigns should stop. Those 10/11
At a panel on decolonization at NESEEES, the local version of @aseeestudies we discussed: One, the need for moral cleansing of the field of Russian history in the US. This was presented as a critique, but I think it's a necessity. What of the scholars who went to Valdai 1/10
and who worked for Russian organizations like SVOP? This was direct help to Putin, and there hasn't been a real discussion about this. 2nd, because we're historians, we had a discussion about periodization. There was debate about where to start Russian history courses. 2/10
Some said to keep it in Kyivan Rus, but I liked the suggestion of starting in 1721 with Peter the Great and then have a series of flashbacks. A 3rd theme was the Cold War. Even though Russia lost the Cold War, it seems to have convinced many people that it was a moral 3/10
How do you tell a new story about a nation? For 20 years, I've been trying to do so for Russia. Starting with the provinces of central Russia, then Siberia and the Russian North, I found little-known forerunners who saw that a different Russia was possible. @LukeDCoffey 1/6
People like 19th century Nizhnii Novgorod activist A. Gatsiskii, who argued that the medieval Republic of Novgorod showed that Russia's people could be self-governing. Reading the 1990s mimeographed books of local historians published in 50 copies and @brdemuth@toddprincetv 2/6
the crumbling local publications of the 1890s, I pieced together a new narrative of Russian history, one in which a Ukrainian historian inspired 1860s Siberian thinkers to value their region and to even call for its independence. Where short-lived republics @channelljustice 3/6
My new blog, "Periodization as Decolonization" is now out on @HNetRussia. It provides a new periodization that centers Russia's regions, not the center. Democratization and federalism come more into focus. In the 1830s, @irgarner@toddprincetv@OxanaShevel@globalrhizome 1/9
an era of Romantic discovery of regions took place in Siberia, other Russian regions and in Western Europe. The Russian state inadvertently helped by creating institutions to study the regions economically that led to new provincial identities @propornot@EricaMarat 2/9
in European Russia, but these institutions were denied to Siberia. By the 1860s, Siberian patriots discussed how to improve their region's status. Nikolai Iadrintsev (below) and others called for the creation of the United States of Siberia, to be @PopovaProf@maksymeristavi 3/9
5 arguments against decolonizing Russian history I heard at #ASEEES22 and my responses 1) What's happening in Russia has nothing to do with us. Really? Even though our field was founded by Russian historians who had a similar periodization as Putin? @ksvarnon@steven_seegel 1/5
When we teach, isn't it still Kyivan Rus - Muscovy - Russian Empire? Scholars have complicated this, but standard textbooks change slowly. 2) Decolonizing is anti-Russian and echoes Richard Pipes. So colonizing is pro-Russian? Interesting. @channelljustice@FaithCHillis 2/5
Just because Pipes wrote problematic books, does that mean we should stay silent when Russia commits war crimes and worse? I don't think so. 3) Decolonization means giving up work on the center in favor of the periphery. Not true. Now is not a good time @PopovaProf 3/5
Russia is a prison house of regions. I've researched this topic for 20 years, and believe that this story could help to reshape Russian history so that we don't see everything from the central's state's point of view. @McFaul@kamilkazani@JohnVsetecka@ODrachewych@MarkJTrev
For example, Siberian regionalism has a long history of attempts at independence. In 1863, regionalists wrote that Siberia could be "the first Slavic nation" to become "a democratic republic." It ended "Long live the Republic of the United States of Siberia!" @TamerFakahany
In 1917, Siberian regionalists, including one of the authors of that earlier manifesto, raised the green and white flag of Siberia, symbolizing forests and snow, and proclaimed an autonomous Siberia. They sided with the White Army and lost everything. @PaulGoble1@EurasiaReview
How do we decolonize the study of Russian history in the US? Russianists are working on projects in their institutions, but it's uncoordinated. @aseeestudies has a page for Ukraine events. Why not a page for decolonizing Russian studies? Who are my allies? I'd like to know. 1/9
@aseeestudies is having a virtual conference in a few days. There are lots more panels on Ukraine than ever before. Could there be a virtual message board where people could brainstorm on decolonizing the field and share what they're doing? 2/9 @ODrachewych@JohnVsetecka
Russianists need to study things that are critical toward Russia today, not just things they like to study. I personally would like to study the purchase of Alaska, but instead I'm going to work on Russian propaganda: history and effects. Who else has changed their projects? 3/9