Returning to Almaty brings back memories. Many are tinged with nostalgia and pleasant but some aren’t. When the USSR collapsed, Soviet-era street names began to be replaced. Yet, for years I chose to use the old ones. Why I did it and what it meant is unsettling to think about.🧵 Image
My childhood apartment was located near the intersection of October and Dzerzhinsky streets. The former commemorated the 1917 October Revolution and the latter was named after the founding leader of the Soviet secret police and the famously ruthless architect of Red Terror. Image
My school was a short walk away on Komsomol Avenue. “Komsomol” was the ubiquitous Soviet shorthand for the “All-Union Leninist Communist League of Youth.” The old office of the central government was located just a block away on the corner of Komsomol and Communist Avenues. Image
When Qazaqstan became a sovereign nation, these street names were replaced with names of Qazaq historical figures. Yet, for years, I continued using the old names. They were familiar. It was easier to use them than to recall the new ones. But there was a more sinister side to it.
Located in the foothills of the Alatau mountains, with magnificent views of snow-capped peaks, tree-lined streets, and mild weather, Almaty was the capital of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic and by far the most desirable place to live, work, and study in Qazaqstan. Image
Before independence, it was also a place where Qazaqs made up a small minority or residents. The city was heavily Russian, while the surrounding rural areas were predominantly Qazaq. The Qazaq families that lived in the city were usually Russified and relatively more privileged.
After Qazaqstan became independent, the restrictive Soviet residence permit system was gone and ethnic Qazaqs began to arrive en mass. Long-time residents complaining about the influx of “villagers” became a constant refrain. Using the old street names became a signal of sorts.
For urban Qazaqs, myself included, using the old names became a way of differentiating from those who began moving to the city in search of better opportunities for themselves and their families after 1991. Of course, migration from rural to urban areas is a universal phenomenon.
However, the Russian colonization of Qazaqstan created a very particular arrangement wherein Qazaqs were mostly relegated to rural areas while Russians lived and worked in urban centers. This pattern was very pronounced in the capital but by no means unique to it.
As a Russified Qazaq born and raised in the city, I looked down on the new arrivals. I didn’t take the time to reflect about the peculiar ethnic pattern of the urban-rural divide in Russian-controlled Qazaqstan or even the fact that there were almost no Qazaq schools in Almaty.
That the old street names were commemorating and reaffirming Moscow’s ruthless control of Central Asia was something that I just didn’t stop to think about. Perhaps this learned obliviousness, along with the loss of Qazaq language, is exactly the point of thorough colonization.
The brazenly imperial character of Russia’s attempt to reestablish control over a sovereign nation it once ruled and the heroic fight of Ukrainians against it is making me see things with clarity that I lacked before. I’m a slow learner but I no longer use the old street names.
My Qazaq is embarrassingly limited but I make a point of using it whenever I can. And I definitely lost the wholly unjustified attitude of superiority toward fellow Qazaqs whose connection to our language & culture hasn’t been severed in the same way as mine. #RussianColonialism

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More from @azamatistan

Apr 21
Like many Russified Qazaqs of my generation, I ceased to be Soviet twice. First, in 1991, when the USSR disintegrated. Second, in 2022, when Russia escalated its attack on Ukraine to genocidal levels, blasting away the last bits of residual good will toward the Soviet Union. 🧵 Image
The heinous nature of 🇷🇺invasion has erased any stray bits of nostalgia. The attack on Ukraine made it impossible to see Russia as anything other than a revanchist empire desperate to reverse the flow of time by reestablishing control over a sovereign country it once colonized. Image
Insistence on “Putin's War” narrative is misleading since it hides the role of 🇷🇺imperial revanchism in the war. It is especially disheartening to see 🇷🇺opposition members do it. When Russia’s best and brightest refuse to acknowledge the problem, it is hard to be optimistic. Image
Read 6 tweets
Apr 4
I draw on my background growing up in a former Russian colony - Qazaqstan - to make sense of Russian aggression against another former colony - Ukraine. I write in English because I want to convey my perspective to those without direct experience of Russian colonization.🧵
In conversations about Russia, voices of the formerly colonized are notably underrepresented. It’s a problem since developing a comprehensive understanding of Russia’s actions without them is impossible. A bit like trying to understand xenophobia, but excluding immigrant voices.
Most conversations about Russia center the voices of the relatively more privileged ethnic Russians. Also, finding the right words is hard. How does one fully convey the imperial arrogance that undergirds so much of Russia’s aggression to those who never felt it personally?
Read 7 tweets
Mar 27
As a Central Asian, I have always been struck by the way in which @Navalny and his colleagues focus on corruption as the most pressing problem in 🇷🇺. When their country wages a brazenly imperialist war against 🇺🇦, the unwavering focus on yachts and mansions seems oddly myopic. 🧵
Of course, corruption is terrible and anti-corruption work is important. However, the nation which illegally annexed territory of a neighboring country in 2014 and escalated its aggression to genocidal levels in 2022 clearly has bigger, and more urgent, problems.
The insistence by 🇷🇺opposition leaders that 🇷🇺 aggression against 🇺🇦 should be described as Putin’s war rather than Russia’s war is chilling because it clearly shows that even Putin’s opponents are unwilling to confront the reality of imperial revanchism rampant in 🇷🇺 society.
Read 6 tweets
Mar 16
As a Qazaq who found himself in the US in the 90s, I was surprised to find that many Americans equated the entire former USSR with Russia. Most were simply unaware that Moscow used brutal repression to subjugate people with distinct cultures and histories under the Soviet rule 🧵
Today, just like in the 1990s, those lucky enough to have been spared the blessings of Russian domination need to learn the truth. In fact, amidst Russia’s genocidal aggression in Ukraine, the need to raise awareness about 🇷🇺 as a bona fide colonial power is more urgent than ever
There’s a reason why the “Putin’s War” narrative promoted by Russian opposition leaders doesn’t gets much traction in Russia’s former colonies. Ukrainians, Estonians, Central Asians know that Putin is but a symptom of an old malady that Russia has yet to confront – imperialism.
Read 7 tweets
Mar 4
Russia today, like the Soviet Union before it, is a successor of the Russian Empire. An enduring characteristic of Russian self-conception is a view of Russia as a profoundly benevolent power bringing development and modernity to the places it colonizes. 🧵
This decidedly imperial worldview persisted during the Soviet period when the non-Russian republics were portrayed as fortunate beneficiaries of Moscow’s rule. The Soviet-era view of Russia as the “big brother” to the other republics is an example of this worldview.
When the USSR collapsed in 1991, Russian imperial worldview survived. Importantly, this surviving worldview fueled strong revanchist sentiment in post-Soviet Russia. Contempt for Gorbachev seen as someone responsible for the dissolution of a “great country” is widespread.
Read 8 tweets
Jan 26
Navalny is a Russian opposition leader unjustly imprisoned on politically motivated charges. An eponymous documentary about him is one 2023 Oscar favorites. @navalny supporters are adamant that his history of racist and xenophobic positions is insignificant.🧵
They maintain that his views have evolved and that his far right nationalist persona is over a decade old and therefore irrelevant. I sympathize with Navalny’s struggle against Putin and believe that he should be freed. Yet, as a Central Asian, I find it hard to ignore his past.
I have seen Navalny supporters accuse anyone criticizing him of doing Putin’s bidding. But the truth is that people in places formerly colonized by Russia detest Putin AND are also weary of Navalny because of his well documented history as a far right Russian nationalist.
Read 6 tweets

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