Repeating some of my thoughts on the #IllegalMigrationBill as it begins its House of Lords stages. It is undoubtedly designed to reduce human rights protections for migrants, disapplying aspects of the Human Rights Act … /1
The government accepts the Bill may well breach a whole toxic soup of ECHR rights (life, torture, slavery, fair trial, detention, family & private life, discrimination, right to a remedy) /2
It makes it more difficult, or impossible, for claimants to challenge decisions or enforce their rights in the UK courts. Thus the likelihood is that more cases will go to the ECtHR in Strasbourg, setting up the risk of a clash there /3
The UNHCR says the Bill is a "clear breach" of the Refugee Convention. It also expressly disapplies domestic legal protections against modern slavery /4
What the Bill doesn’t and can’t do: disapply the UK’s obligations under the ECHR and the Refugee Convention under *international law* /5
Nor - because legislation is not a magic wand 🪄- can the Bill conjure up resources to take quicker, more effective decisions; or suitable facilities to detain people; or countries to remove them to; or planes to put them on /6
Sadly what it can do is damage the UK's reputation as a place that respects the rule of law, abides by its international obligations, and enables people to enforce their rights before (truly) world-class independent courts /7
As @RobertBuckland put it, the Bill risks harming our international reputation “as reasonable actors & people with whom other countries can do business & ... a place where people will want to invest". I hope the House of Lords will address these problems. /end
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(in the case of EU Regulations) have been directly applicable in UK law with no UK parliamentary input, or
(in the case of EU Directives) have been implemented by Act of Parliament or (more commonly) by regulations with limited parliamentary scrutiny /2
That is to be replaced, under Ms Badenoch’s improved model, by the repeal of 600 ex-EU laws en bloc with no real parliamentary consideration; and powers for ministers to repeal, amend or replace further such laws by regulations, again subject to limited parliamentary scrutiny /3
*OBVIOUSLY* the removal of the sunset is welcome. Repeal of 600 laws in one go is still a huge change (and could have been trumpeted as a major Brexit "benefit" if the government hadn't so absurdly raised expectations of a complete "bonfire of EU red tape") /1
There will still be no chance for parliament to consider the detail of those 600 laws or what their repeal will mean in practice. But at least we now know what they are /2
As @bricksilk says, other problems remain with the Bill. They include the uncertainty created by ending the "supremacy" of EU law and departing from previous case-law. If you change the way laws are interpreted, you're changing the law ... /3
Good piece as usual from @JoshuaRozenberg on the Home Secretary’s amendment to the Illegal Migration Bill dealing with Strasbourg interim measures. The amendment is a bit odd …
On the one hand it says that, where the Strasbourg court issues interim measures, the HS can decide that this displaces her duty under the Bill to remove someone - arguably giving such measures a status in domestic law they don’t currently have /2
On the other hand it says the HS can, alternatively, choose to ignore the Strasbourg measure and go ahead with removal (in which case every decision maker, court & tribunal must also ignore the measure) - setting up a breach by UK of its international law duty under the ECHR /3
Maude is worth listening to on this stuff. I agree it would be wrong to base major reform on a single case (Raab). An independent review found a Minister’s behaviour had crossed the line. The review wasn’t about the quality of civil service advice theguardian.com/politics/2023/…
Not all civil servants are brilliant. And in my experience CS leaders are always up for reform. But I don’t believe the narrative around civil servants “blocking” govt policy. We got the Brexit ministers wanted (and wouldn’t have got it without the CS) /2
Ditto the Truss/Kwarteng budget. Retained EU Law Bill. Windsor Framework. Illegal Migration Bill. Bill of Rights Bill. Etc etc. What is it the CS is supposed to have blocked? /3
Clause 49 is not the least extraordinary provision of the Illegal Migration Bill. Coyly described as a “placeholder” allowing the Home Secretary to make regulations “about” interim orders of the European Court of Human Rights …/1
It’s clearly intended to allow the government to ignore such orders. Such regulations can’t of course disapply the UK’s international law obligations under the ECHR. So once again it is setting up a clash. /2
It’s somehow worse that the Bill doesn’t do this expressly but empowers the Home Secretary to do it later by secondary legislation. /3
Some reactions to the Illegal Migration Bill. It seems rather desperate. The Home Secretary says it’s necessary because “an activist blob of civil servants, left-wing lawyers and the Labour Party blocked us” publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill…
First: can it work? Legislation is not a magic wand 🪄. It can’t magic up resources to take quicker, more effective decisions; or facilities to detain people; or places to send them; or planes to put them on
The government accepts the Bill may well breach a whole toxic soup of ECHR rights (life, torture, slavery, fair trial, detention, family & private life, discrimination, right to a remedy)